Click here
Showing posts with label Philippine Revolution Against Spain. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Philippine Revolution Against Spain. Show all posts
Feb 7, 2015
Keeping the Spirit of 1896 Alive
by Onofre D. Corpuz
The Filipino Revolution and its ideals were an inspiration to the nationalists of Southeast Asia of the late 1890s. Even today, high school pupils in our neighbor nations that were ruled by European colonial regimes read about our revolution and our Dr. Rizal in their history books.
click here
click here
Feb 17, 2011
Introduction to Rizal: Toward a Re-Interpretation
By E. San Juan, Jr.
This is the introduction to the book: RIZAL IN OUR TIME, published 1997 by Anvil Publishing Inc., Pasig, Rizal, Philippines.
This essay is especially dedicated to all the readers of the Austrian-Philippine Website edited by Johann Stockinger.
(E. San Juan Jr., March 24, 1998)
(E. San Juan Jr., March 24, 1998)
Rizal is the great "enigma," so goes the official doxa and conventional wisdom. Because of this indeterminacy, the ruling elite and its state agencies are utilizing everything in their power to make Rizal, his life and writings, help to resolve its legitimacy crisis. For the centennial of his death in 1998, Rizal will again be invoked as the one of the doctrinal foundations of the neocolonial state, his teachings on the importance of civic virtue and spiritual reform rehashed while his critique of injustice and inequality is kept safely in the margins. To echo "the first Filipino," you get the Rizal you deserve.
There have been many proponents and advocates of the enigma syndrome since Rizal's canonization by the U.S. colonial administration. The most internationally renowned is Miguel de Unamuno, the fierce thinker of Spanish existentialism (in the opinion of Julian Marias), who recorded his reaction to Wenceslao Retana's Vida y Escritos del Dr. Rizal. Unamuno agreed with Retana's view of Rizal as the "Oriental Don Quixote," basically a romantic personality; but for Unamuno, Rizal was only a hero of thought, in substance a Hamlet, "a fearless dreamer," irresolute and weak for action and for life. This malaise infects the Noli Me Tangere. Unamuno delivers his judgment (1968, 8-9):
Because Rizal himself is the spirit of contradiction, a soul that dreads the revolution, although deep within himself he consummately desires it: he is a man who at the same time both trusts and distrusts his own countrymen and racial brothers; who believes them to be the most capable and yet the least capable - the most capable when he looks at himself as one of their blood; the most incapable when he looks at others. Rizal is a man who constantly pivots between fear and hope, between faith and despair. All these contradictions are merged together in that love, his dreamlike and poetic love for his adored country, the beloved region of the sun, pearl of the Orient, his lost Eden.
In his prologue to a 1908 edition of El Filibusterismo, Retana seems to reaffirm his interpretation of Rizal as the Tagalog Quixote, though now made more multidimensional with the addition of influences like Nietzsche, Leopardi, and Alexander Herzon, the instigator of Russian nihilism. This is suggestive; in general, however, Retana's patronizing tone and his anatomical determinism (influenced by the notorious Cesar Lombroso) can only be pathetic and risible from our vantage point.
Other commentators have pursued Unamuno's line of typologizing. Nick Joaquin, the vindicator of the populist wing of the ilustrado tradition, presents his own version of Rizal as the "anti-hero" by marshalling and replaying the ideas of Ante Radaic and Leon Maria Guerrero. Radaic's psychoanalytic diagnosis of Rizal as a victim of an inferiority complex, if taken as the decisive key to his life, strikes many as mechanical and even trivializing if not a symptom of Radaic's own obsessions: "Because of an excess of spirit, Rizal saw his body as inadequate, and this, in turn, influenced his complex psychological structure." For Guerrero (1963), the causal sequence has to do with the social and economic context: Rizal's schizophrenic temperament derives from his petty bourgeois class background, even though Rizal is credited with inventing the idea of a Filipino nation. For Guerrero, Rizal's development as a middle-class intellectual explains "the puzzling absence of any real social consciousness in [his] apostolate so many years after Marx's Manifesto or, for that matter, Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum."
All these speculations on Rizal's ambivalence culminate in the classic speech of Claro Recto on "Rizal the Realist and Bonifacio the Idealist" (reprinted in Rizal: Contrary Essays, edited by Dolores Feria and Petronilo Daroy). The speech was given at the time when Recto, the most trenchant critic of U.S. neocolonial intervention in the Philippines, was beleaguered by the anti-Communism of the Magsaysay/Garcia Establishment openly supported by the United States Embassy and CIA operatives. Recto's thesis that Rizal was revolutionary in his poetry and rationalizations "but in the face of reality, based on truth, he was the inverse" and "realism won...when the moment arrived for a final decision" was plausible, given the evidence he adduced. Bonifacio, meanwhile, proved to be a realist in spite of his idealism, but Recto did not really cite any substantial body of facts or testimonies to this effect. The bulk of Recto's rendering of "parallel lives" centered on Rizal's ambiguities and paradoxes, the dialogical method of his rhetoric and thinking in his novels. Obviously Recto was setting up a model of antithetical world views or epistemes neither of which can be distilled in complex personalities like Rizal or Bonifacio. Whatever the merits of Recto's analysis, I would like to record here how I personally was present at that historic occasion at the D & E Restaurant in Quezon City when Recto delivered the speech in 1957, the spark that kindled the nationalist "prairie fire" and "long march" of the sixties climaxing in the First Quarter Storm of 1970.
It is easy to reduce any person's life to certain character traits or recurrent habits and customary practices, following the orthodox ideological reflex of focusing on the psychology of individuals to explain complex events in which s/he participates. This may have some pedagogical value, but it is entirely misleading, of course, since individuality can only be understood within the milieu of the totality of social relations at any given time and place. What is crucial is the complex interaction of multiple forces of which the individual (who becomes historically significant only when s/he represents a collective or group or sector) is only one element. Manifold structures and a nexus of factors overdetermine every other element in any concrete situation. Provided we take into account the entire trajectory of Rizal's life, the preponderant influence of certain events (like the 1872 Cavite Mutiny and the execution of Burgos, Gomez and Zamora, the Dominican order's harassment and eviction of Rizal's family and others in Calamba in 1887, 1889, 1891, and so on) and figures in his life, it is a useful shorthand device to concentrate on certain tropes and themes in Rizal's writings to highlight hitherto neglected aspects, especially those regarded as subversive, oppositional, and revolutionary, that have been obscured or downplayed to promote the interests and reproduction of the status quo. This is the primary intent of the essays in this volume. I assume that most readers would consult the most available biographical works to provide the historical and social contexts of Rizal's writings: for example, Rafael Palma's The Pride of the Malay Race, Austin Coates' Rizal, Leon Maria Guerrero's The First Filipino, and others.
Writing in Harper's Monthly Magazine of April 1901, the distinguished American realist writer William Dean Howells praised Rizal's Noli for its artistry and its "sense of unimpeachable veracity." Although he was active in the Anti-Imperialist Movement at that time (Mark Twain and Williams James were two of the most articulate members), Howells was not fully cognizant of the atrocities being committed by his countrymen in the suppression of the Philippine Republic led by Emilio Aguinaldo. Howell's editorial remark betokens his generous spirit (1979, 27-28): "The many different types and characters are rendered with unerring delicacy and distinctness and the effect of all those strange conditions is given so fully by the spare means that while you read you are yourself one of them, and feel their hopeless wieght and immeasurable pathos, with something of the sad patience which pervades all.... Even in the extreme of apparent caricature you feel the self-control of the artistic spirit which will not wreak itself either in tears or laughter" (for a perceptive commentary on the dialogic techniques of Rizal's novels, see Matibag 1995). The last sentence reminds us of Rizal's well-known "Laughter and Tears," a masterpiece of ironic satire in which one can apprehend dissonant and rebellious notes amid the burlesque and scandalizing mimicry:
It was a world which granted privileges to some and imposed prohibitions on others without regard to one's merit or to one's capacity.... Endowed with strength and eager to learn, one had to drag oneself in a narrow prison cell when one could see an open field, a vast horizon in the distance; when one hears from above the flapping of wings; when one could feel the beatings of a heart; and when one believed oneself entitled to enjoy the beauty of a dream (1979: 32).
In March 1887, Rizal (1979, 142) commented on the Noli (which to Retana combined the wit of Voltaire and the carnivalesque daring of Rabelais): "Where I have found virtue, I said so emphatically in order to render homage to it; and if I have not wept in speaking of our misfortunes, I have laughed at them for no one would like to weep with me at the misfortunes of our country and to laugh is always good in order to hide one's sorrow." Rizal writes in his "dedication" of the Noli: "I shall lift a corner of the veil which shrouds the disease, sacrificing to the truth everything, even self-love...." He wrote to Father Federico Faura: "I want to awaken my countrymen from their profound lethargy, and one who wishes to do that does not use soft and gentle sounds, but detonations, blows, etc." Given the repressive climate of the colony, Rizal's disingenousness can be considered a product of his strategic genius at dissembling, simulating, awakening, unveiling and unmasking (both Noli and Fili were designed to expose the "cancer" of the body politic on the steps of the temple so that a cure may be offered). Rizal, indeed, was speaking truth to power.
In our "postcolonial" and postmodern milieu, we are familiar with the phenomenon of hybridity, syncretism, marginalization of Others, especially subaltern people of color- the entire range of Orientalisms and perverse subjectivities produced by imperial/colonial domination so acutely examined by Edward Said, Frantz Fanon, Albert Memmi, Paulo Freire, and others. Rizal's case falls into this sociohistorical zone, a time when (to recall Gramsci's famous observation) the old order is dying and the new one has not yet fully emerged from the bloody womb, and all kinds of morbid symptoms abound. After the aborted revolution of 1848 and the still undreamed-of Paris Commune of 1872, Karl Marx mused in 1856: "In our days, everything seems pregnant with its contrary." From this perspective, we can appreciate how Rizal's ordeal (intensely replicated in his novels) condenses all the symptoms of anxiety, uncertainties, self-doubt, and paranoia shared by all, subalterns and masters alike, generated by the oppressive and alienating circumstances of colonial society (see San Juan 1984).
Rizal's Memorias, an experiment in self-detachment and performative risk-taking, epitomizes the bewildering, even chaotic, transitional stage found in all "third world" peripheral or dependent formations. One can discern the affliction of melancholia and the arduous labor of mourning that shaped Rizal's sensibility:
Whenever I thought that I must now leave that peaceful retreat in which the eyes of my intelligence had been opened to a degree, and my heart had begun to learn nobler feelings, I fell into a profound despondency.... I had a cruel foreboding which unfortunately came true.... I was depressed, indifferent, brooding.... Tears paid in token of farewell to the times gone by, to a contentment that would not return, to a tranquillity of spirit that was slipping out of my grasp, leaving me bereft....
I formed the design of keeping silent and, until seeing greater proofs of sympathy between us [Rizal is referring to Segunda Katigbak who "bewitched" him at a certain point in his student life), neither subjecting myself to her yoke nor declaring myself to her....I felt anguish and inquietude conforming with love, if not with jealousy, perhaps because I saw that I was separating from her, perhaps because a million obstacles would rise between us, so that my nascent love was increasing and seemed to be gaining vigor in the struggle.... But in the critical moments of my life always I have acted against my disposition, obedient to different purposes and to ponderous doubts. I spurred my horse and took another road without having chosen it, exclaiming: This is ended thus (quoted in Guerrero 1963, 43).
The last statement encapsulates Rizal's singular predilection for overcoming crisis: an inclination to sacrifice, to deny the seduction of what is forbidden (perhaps the preOedipal mother), to seize the time for pleasure, for the good death - as he wrote to Mariano Ponce in 1890: "One only dies once, and if one does not die well, a good opportunity is lost and will not present itself again."
There are many revealing episodes in Rizal's adventure toward "martyrdom," an ending he anticipated many times (see in particular the two letters he left with his family in Hong Kong dated June 20, 1892), but none more intriguing and heuristic than his exile in Dapitan. A short digression on this before I conclude.
When Rizal was banished to Dapitan for alleged filibusterismo in 1892, he seemed to sense that it was an interlude or moment of calm before the final storm. He assured his family that "wherever I might go I should always be in the hands of God who holds in them the destinies of men." Despite this resigned deistic attitude, Rizal was not to be deterred: he applied himself to diverse tasks and preoccupations, engaging in horticulture, eye surgery, collecting butterflies and other specimens, teaching, civic construction - his signal achievement was the waterworks of Dapitan, a community project of distributing water to the town. It was a testimony to his collectivist orientation, his scientific creativity, his will to change and improve things for a more just and humane order - an authentic revolutionary stance. Rizal also maintained a voluminous correspondence with friends in Manila and in Europe. Amid various scholarly pursuits, he was also occupied in composing a massive dictionary of all the languages and dialects of the Philippines together with their equivalents in Spanish, English, French, and German. While the Spanish authorities were lenient and tolerant, Rizal had no utopian illusions. He confessed in a letter to a friend: "To live is to be among men, and to be among men is to struggle...It is a struggle with them but also with one's self, with their passions, but also with one's own, with errors and anxieties." His versatile preoccupations and worldly concerns awed everyone, but they seemed to hide the more turbulent and agonizing drama within.
The anguish of exile was modulated by the presence of Josephine Bracken, an Irish Catholic from Hong Kong, whom Rizal later married a few hours before he was executed. (Isabel Taylor Escoda [1996] has tried to document what happened to her later on; she died a pauper's death in Hong Kong and her body was interred by the city's Sanitary Department in an unknown grave.) Despite such a distraction - he apparently did not lose his mind over her, as he did with Segunda Katigbak, Rizal could not "deny that his being transported to an alien place" was demoralizing. Terrified by the "uncertainty of the future," he seized the opportunity to volunteer his medical skills to the Spanish military then engaged in suppressing the revolution in Cuba. Amplifying distance and strangeness, he could resign himself to the demands of duty, the necessity of accepting destiny in order "to make progress through suffering." A certain amount of fatalism, plus the compulsive sense of vocation or fetish of duty, coalesced to shape the peculiar ethos of this Filipino exile at the time of revolutionary ferment.
Contrast this with the exile of another austere and disciplined freedom-fighter of the time, Apolinario Mabini. Mabini chose exile to Guam instead of swearing allegiance to the sovereign power of the enemy, the United States, who wreaked havoc on the country and killed a million Filipinos. The "sublime paralytic" conceived the deportation as a crucible of his insurrectionary determination. His intransigence became proverbial even after he returned and made a sort of peace with the conquerors. So far nobody has researched what he did during those two years of exile. One can only surmise that his shrewd and proud spirit endured the time of banishment because he was busy forging the "conscience of his race" - his memoirs on the Philippine Revolution. He employed his cunning, his intelligence, his power of remembering to bridge the distance between that godforsaken island and the homeland he never abandoned because, as in the labor of mourning, it was introjected and preserved as an object of adoration. One suspects that something like this happened to Rizal except that for him, the family and loyal friends constituted the ground of hope for ultimate redemption.
Exile could not destroy Rizal's trust in the emancipatory potential of the multitude. In the "Letter to the Young Women of Malolos," among others, he affirmed his rationalist belief in the inalienability of rights: "God gave each individual reason and a will of his or her own to distinguish the just from the unjust; all were born without shackles and free, and nobody has a right to subjugate the will and spirit of another." Natural right is coextensive with each individual's power. In this he approximated Spinoza's radical view, elaborated in the Treatise on Politics, that human rights cannot be alienated by a social contract, or by the system of representation in any society (see Deleuze 1988). The third novel of Rizal that was rescued by Ambeth Ocampo from oblivion, Makamisa, is particularly significant because in the description of the violence of crowds, the physical massing of bodies in the exodus from Church as well as in the carnivalesque riot following this (including the youthful game of tuktukan), one can discern the constitutive power of the masses, the productive dynamic of their passions, needs, and desires that escape codification by the colonial Leviathan. The power of bodies, the logic of their affects, and their potential for organizing and transforming the immanent field of social forces, may be intimated by a curious report Rizal composed during his Dapitan exile. It is entitled "The Treatment of the Bewitched" (dated 15 November 1895) part of which I quote here (1964, 178):
The witch [mangagaway] is the she-ass of the burden of ignorance and popular malevolence, the scapegoat of divine chastisements, the salvation of the perplexed quacks. Mankind also has divine defects among its divine qualities. It likes to explain everything and wash in another's blood its own impurities. The woman manggagaway is to the common man and the quack what the resentment of the gods, the demon, the pacts with the devil in the Medieval Age, the plethora of blood, neuroses, and others were to the different ages. She is the diagnosis of inexplicable sufferings.
Could the last phrase not shed light on the function of Sisa in the Noli, on the participation of formidable women in our struggles for national-democratic liberation who were branded and stigmatized - including the famous "la loba negra," the protagonist in the narrative once ascribed to Father Jose Burgos?
Finally, I want to emphasize this corporeal logic/ethics of mass initiative and agency that I have tried to locate in Rizal's texts by citing Antonio Luna and Apolinario Mabini on what kind of approach will be most constructive in lieu of the ritualistic and reactionary worship of an idol. It must be remembered that Rizal's founding of the Liga Filipina was the prime catalyst for the mobilization of the Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio and other separatists (note that Mabini was present when Rizal initiated the Liga). And Antonio Luna, the brilliant general of Aguinaldo's army of the first Philippine Republic, was already in contact with Rizal in Europe when Rizal was an active collaborator of Marcelo del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena in La Solidaridad. First Luna in 1884: "Assimilating his ideas, pondering his concepts that readily aroused our enthusiasm, we found an echo, though timid, of his voice within ourselves." And Mabini in 1899: "While we Filipinos living today do not individually amount to as much as Rizal, yet we can join together to get the force necessary to the realization of the work begun by him." I second Luna's multiplication of Rizal's voice and Mabini's motion of unifying and mobilizing our forces for national-democratic self-determination.
REFERENCES
Coates, Austin. 1968.
Rizal Philippine Nationalist and Martyr. Hong Kong: Macmillan.
Deleuze, Gilles. 1988.
Spinoza: Practical Philosophy. San Francisco: City Lights Books.
Escoda, Isabel Taylor. 1996.
"In Search of Josephine." Sunday Inquirer Magazine (25 August): 3-5.
Guerrero, Leon Maria. 1963.
The First Filipino. Manila: National Historical Institute.
Howells, William Dean. 1979.
"Editor's Easy Chair." In Rizal. Manila: National Historical Institute. [First published in Harper's Monthly Magazine, April 1901, pp. 802-806.]
Matibag, Eugenio. 1995.
"El Verbo del Filibusterismo": Narrative Ruses in the Novels of Jose Rizal." Revista Hispanica Moderna (December): 250-264.
Ocampo, Ambeth. 1992.
Makamisa: The Search for Rizal's Third Novel. Manila: Anvil Publishing, Inc.
Recto, Claro. 1968.
"Rizal the Realist and Bonifacio the Idealist." In Rizal: Contrary Essays, edited by D. Feria and P.B. Daroy. Quezon City: Guro Books.
Rizal, Jose. 1964.
"The Treatment of the Bewitched." In Miscellanous Writings of Dr. Jose
Rizal. Vol 8. Manila: National Heroes Commission.
-----. 1979.
"Laughter and Tears." In Rizal. Manila: National Historical Institute.
San Juan, E. 1984.
"The Discourse of the Other: A Reading of Rizal's Novels." In Toward a People's Literature. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
Unamuno, Miguel de. 1968.
"The Tagalog Hamlet." In Rizal: Contrary Essays, edited by D. Feria and P. B. Daroy. Quezon City: Guro Books. the Bewitched" (dated 15 November 1895) part of which I quote here (1964, 178):
Feb 13, 2011
Missing What It's All About
By Luis V. Teodoro
Two years ago former University of the Philippines President Onofre D. Corpuz lamented the absence of a standard account of the 1986 Revolution. "What histories we have of the Revolution are grossly inadequate," said Corpuz.
Without an adequate history of "that epic and noble struggle," continued Corpuz, "how can we know the spirit of 1896, so that we can honestly resolve to keep that spirit alive?"
The Philippines celebrates the centennial of the Republic on June 12, 1998. That date marks the declaration of Philippine independence at Kawit, Cavite, two years after the Philippine Revolution of 1896 broke out and dismantled Spanish power over the Islands. The United States, embarking on its by now 100 years' venture into imperialism, prevented the realization of that independence by conquering the country and keeping it as a colony until 1946, when it "granted" independence on July 4 that year. The Philippines marked independence day on that date until 1962, when then President Diosdado Macapagal changed the date to June 12.
A National Centennial Commission was established three years ago to prepare for the June 12 centennial this year. The commission has not spared expense in getting a centennial logo popularized, together with a centennial slogan ("Kalayaan: Kayamanan ng Bayan"-- Freedom: the People's Wealth).
There's also a literary contest, the first prize winners in which will receive P1 million each in the various categories of screenplay, novel, three-act play, poetry and essay. The commission has encouraged the showing of the flag, and, judging by the booming business of the flag-making houses, has succeeded beyond its wildest expectations.
The flag indeed waves from even the unlikeliest places, including the tops of TV antennas, and even some cemetery mausoleums. Aside from the Philippine flag itself, the centennial flag appears to be popular as well , and so are the 10 flags in a set called "The Evolution of the Filipino Flag," among which, by the way, is the black skull-and-crossbones flag of revolutionary Gen. Mariano Llanera, the only flag that strays beyond the usual blood red and white of the Katipunan flags-- and which, recalling the international symbol of piracy, seems totally unsuitable to represent the struggle for independence. That flag, nevertheless, disconcertingly waves from the flagpoles of government offices, private homes, and city streets.
Government employees have also been told to wear centennial dress -- barong Tagalog (the Filipino formal shirt) for men and baro't saya ( a puffed-sleeve blouse and long skirt) for women, with the more adventurous experimenting with various combinations by throwing together kimona (a sheer blouse) and Muslim malong (a wrap-around relative of the South Sea sarong), or camisa de chino (a collarless shirt inspired by the Chinese blouse) and tapis (a piece of cloth wrapped over a skirt). Save for the computers, some government offices look like 19th-century settings, so earnestly have government employees taken to the order to wear the Filipino dress (don't call it a costume!).
June 12 itself will be marked with day-long civic and military parades, and a centennial ball in Malaca–ang, the presidential palace where Spanish and American governors general as well as Philippine presidents have resided.
But the festivities won't end on that date. President-elect Joseph Estrada will be inaugurated as the country's 13th President in Barasoain Church, Malolos, where the first Filipino Constitution was drafted. There is, in short, everything for everyone-or almost everything.
Conspicuously absent in all the hoopla is any attempt to provide the narrative Corpuz said is missing-- or even, just to start with, a coherent summary of what the Revolution was fought for and the Republic founded. You can get a sense of almost everything in the centennial brouhaha, except what's really important, among them what Andres Bonifacio, Manila's proletarian hero and founder of the Katipunan, which began the war against Spain when it was discovered in 1896, fought and died for a hundred years ago.
Instead, in the name of the centennial is everything being hawked, including a concert series by Mexican soap opera actress Thalia. Her visit is being billed by the TV station sponsoring it as "The Centennial Visit," although there's no visible connection between Thalia, star of the long-running and extremely popular 1996-97 soap opera "Mari Mar" and the centennial-except, possibly, the fact that Spain governed the Philippines during the colonial period from the viceroyalty of Mexico, which might be stretching the Thalia connection too far.
Only one Manila newspaper has been trying to, one supposes, provide some awareness of what the whole thing was all about, via a hundred-article commission to pop historian Ambeth Ocampo, whose series began 100 days before June 12.
Ocampo has been criticized for emphasizing such details as what the dinner menu was in the evening celebrations of June 12, 1898, but that may not be what his accounts can be faulted for, the details after all being necessary for us to get a sense of the landscape of historical events.
What Ocampo's accounts suffer from is a lack of coherent theme; instead they flit from one subject to another without any visible attempt to link them. Also conspicuous for one so focused on the details are the specifics: for example, what did the revolutionaries want exactly, since that's the only way we can judge, a hundred years later, whether the Republic as it has survived has been true to those purposes.
It won't do to say that Bonifacio and those others every schoolboy knows by rote as "the heroes of the Revolution" wanted "freedom from Spain," because that wasn't all. If that were all and everything, then we can all rest easy, that having been realized on the eve of the American conquest. The Revolution after all wanted more: prosperity, yes, but also the flowering and recognition of the dignity of the inhabitants of the Philippines; independence of course, but also the right of Filipinos to shape their destiny; and justice, certainly, but justice both social as well as in its simplest, day-to-day form. Then there are the peasants who rallied to its cause and died by the thousands fighting for it, driven by the hunger for land and the hope that the tenancy system Spain established and that had denied them land and turned them into tenants would finally come to an end.
One would have hoped that, as with any other anniversary, the centennial would be an occasion for assessment, for rediscovering and restating the goals of Philippine society, and for establishing how near--or how far-- the country is from those goals. But the goals as defined when the Revolution made the Filipinos into a nation not being clear, how can such an assessment be intelligently made?
Of course the hoopla makes it seem as if everyone knows where the country is going and how far it still has to go. But that's just what it seems like. When you look beyond the flag waving, the wearing of the Filipino dress, the fireworks and the balls on June 12, there's not much to see, and that's a pity because no country can go far if it's not clear to everyone where it's supposed to go.
Feb 12, 2011
Katipunan: Documents and studies
This site is devoted to the study of the Katipunan, the patriotic secret society that in 1896 launched the revolution against Spanish rule in the Philippines.
Although the late 19th century is the most celebrated and studied period in Philippine history, much of what has been published on the Katipunan is unreliable and the surviving primary sources are as yet largely unexplored. The principal aim here is to bring to light a number of important Katipunan documents that have not been published before, or are not readily accessible. Links will be provided to materials on theKatipunan that may be found elsewhere on the web - most notably on the excellent "Bonifacio Papers" site, which this site will seek to complement, and not in any way to contest.
The documents are arranged under eight sub-headings – Foundational documents; Supreme Council (Kataastaasang Sangunian); Supreme Assembly (Kataastaasang Kapisanan); Councils and branches (Sangunian at Balangay); Membership documents; Andres Bonifacio; Emilio Jacinto; and Miscellaneous – and under each sub-heading they are ordered chronologically. The site also includes a number of studies and research notes on the Katipunan, some of which have been posted previously on “BonifacioPapers”.
Comments, corrections, and pointers to other documents that might be posted on the site will be most welcome at kasaysayan@googlemail.com
Jim Richardson
SITE CONTENTS
DOCUMENTS
Foundational documents
Casaysayan; Pinagcasundoan; Manga daquilang cautosan (January 1892)
Supreme Council (Kataastaasang Sangunian)
Supreme Assembly (Kataastaasang Kapisanan)
Councils and branches (Sangunian at Balangay)
Membership documents
Andres Bonifacio
Emilio Jacinto
Miscellaneous
STUDIES
IMAGES
Copyright © Jim Richardson, 2005-2010. Jim Richardson asserts his moral right to be known as the author of the studies and notes posted on this website. Permission is hereby granted to copy and to distribute the pages on the site in their original, unmodified form
Source: http://kasaysayan-kkk.info/
Feb 11, 2011
Outlook: Rizal, Bonifacio and the ‘masa’ myth
By Rigoberto D. Tiglao
Philippine Daily Inquirer
Posted date: December 29, 2010
…It was the historian Teodoro Agoncillo who popularized the myth of the masses with his biography of Andres Bonifacio, “Revolt of the Masses.” Agoncillo claimed that the Katipunan revolutionaries were the masses’ representatives: “despairing spirits, the oppressed, the downtrodden,” from the “lowest stratum of society.” Other writers would expand Agoncillo’s thesis by contrasting the “elite” Rizal against the “proletarian” Bonifacio. Leftist activists have even been brainwashed to hate Rizal and to believe that it was the Americans who just invented him to be our national hero, since he didn’t advocate armed revolution.
However, more up-to-date historians, especially those who mined the archives of the Spanish military, paint an entirely different picture of Bonifacio and the Katipuneros. (See http://kasaysayan-kkk.info).
British historian Jim Richardson examined the dossiers of over 200 leaders of the Katipunan, and concluded that they were not poor laborers but mostly white-collar employees and what we may call the intelligentsia, the petty bourgeoisie. Yes, Bonifacio was a bodeguero, but this didn’t refer to a downtrodden laborer carrying heavy stuff on his shoulder. Bonifacio was the employee in a German-owned company who made sure that the contents of the warehouse matched the company’s books. In that listing of 200 Katipuneros, only one was identified as a laborer.
This actually is the characteristic of the Katipunan’s model itself, the French Revolution, which was a lower-middle class revolution. It is probably the pattern of all revolutions. Mao Zedong, Chou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping came from the landlord class, Pol Pot from a wealthy family who could afford to send him to Paris, and of course Jose Ma. Sison from the landlord class.
There is furthermore a distinctly elite dimension to the Katipunan, the opposite of being masa. The single most common characteristic among the leaders of the Katipunan was their membership in a secret elite group: Freemasonry. Stripped of its abracadabra, Freemasonry was based on the pillars of the power of rationality and individual freedom, as against the superstition and blind obedience to the Catholic Church in the 17th to 19th centuries. The Katipunan’s original core group—Bonifacio, Deodato Arellano, Valentin Diaz, Teodoro Plata, Ladislao Diwa and Jose Dizon—as well as 16 other officers were all Freemasons.
Bonifacio and Rizal were actually comrades: they were both Freemasons. This provided them with the necessary world-view to defy Catholicism which was the nearly overpowering ideological base of Spanish colonialism. Rizal was recruited to Freemasonry during his stay in Madrid starting 1882, when the society in Spain had a renaissance of sorts after many years of persecution. Bonifacio joined Freemasonry much later, in 1892, at the Taliba Lodge No. 165.
The Left’s narrative has been that Rizal’s Liga Filipina was the reformist group while the Katipunan was Bonifacio’s armed revolutionary organization. This is false. The Liga was in fact swiftly established by Rizal upon his return from Spain since he utilized his network of Masonic lodges. Many Katipunan leaders were also members of the Liga.
The Katipunan, an organization of Freemasons and petty-bourgeois intellectuals, led the revolution, with the masses—as always—constituting the warm bodies, and sadly the cannon fodder.
It has been mainly communist parties, especially Mao’s—based on Marx’s Hegelian notion of the proletariat becoming conscious of its destiny—which have propagated the notion that the masses have an intrinsic wisdom that civilization’s vanguards don’t have. In terms of political philosophy, the masa myth is the antithesis of representative democracy.
Indeed, “masses” got to be translated to “masa” only in the 1970s when Maoists had to translate Mao’s works, which are replete with the word “masses”—with real workers even ridiculing it as meaning “dough” in Tagalog. On the other hand, with their penchant for mythicizing, and with the very wrong notion that Jesus was a laborer, liberation-theology Christians substituted the Deity for “Masses,” quite obvious in that line from Atenean Eman Lacaba’s poem, “The Masses are Messiah.”
The myth of the masses is a very dangerous one. Academics and professionals were sent to China’s hinterlands—many to die or be killed—“to learn from the masses” in the disastrous Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s which resulted in five million Chinese killed and utter political and economic chaos. College graduates were either massacred in the Khmer Rouge’s killing fields, or sent to rural areas to be “re-educated by the masses.” The myth of the masses has even wormed its way into Philippine political thinking as opinion polls (which by definition is what the masses feel at a point in time) are taken to be moral imperatives to violate representative democracy. The masa myth nearly hijacked the spirit of the Edsa 1986 Revolution in “Edsa 3” and the several attempts at fake “people power” movements in the past several years.
It is a dangerous myth that rabble-rousers and totalitarians cultivate since it easy to claim that one speaks for the faceless masses—as New People’s Army spokesmen always do. The Masses are Messiah? It was the masses that asked for Jesus’ head on that fateful day.
Feb 9, 2011
The court-martial of Andres Bonifacio
| Author: | Kalaw, Teodoro M. (Teodoro Manguiat), 1884-1940. |
| Title: | The court-martial of Andres Bonifacio : with prefatory notes / by Teodoro M. Kalaw, tr. by Paz Policarpio-Mendez. |
| Publication Info: | Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Library 2005 |
| Availability: | These pages may be freely searched and displayed. Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please go to http://www.umdl.umich.edu/ for more information. |
| Print source: | The court-martial of Andres Bonifacio : with prefatory notes / by Teodoro M. Kalaw, tr. by Paz Policarpio-Mendez. Kalaw, Teodoro M. (Teodoro Manguiat), 1884-1940., Mendez, Paz Policarpio. Manila: Manila Book Co., 1926. |
| Subject terms: | Courts-martial and courts of inquiry -- Philippines. Philippines -- History |
| URL: | http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ADL9481.0001.001 |
Acta de la proclamación de la independencia del pueblo Filipino
Acta de la proclamación de la independencia del pueblo Filipino
En el pueblo de Cavite Viejo comprensión de esta provincia de Cavite, a doce de junio de mil ochocientos noventa y ocho: ante mí Don Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Auditor de guerra, Delegado especial nombrado para proclamar y solemnizar este acto por el Gobierno Dictatorial de estas Islas Filipinas, al efecto y en virtud de la circular que dirigió el Egregio Dictador de ellas Don Emilio Aguinaldo Fami, congregados los infranscristos entre Jefes de su Ejército y representantes de los otros de ellos que no han podido concurrir y vecinos notables de varios pueblos de las mismas, teniendo en cuenta que cansados ya sus habitantes de sobrellevar el ominoso yugo de la dominación española por las aprehensiones arbitrarias y malos tratos que hacía la Guardia Civil hasta causar la muerte por condescendencia, y hasta expresa disposición de sus Jefes que llegaban a veces a ordenar el fusilamiento de los aprehendidos bajo el pretexto de que intentaban fugarse en contravención de lo que se dispone en los Reglamentos de su Instituto cuyos abusos se dejaban impunes y por las deportaciones injustas especialmente las decretadas por el General Blanco de personas ilustradas y de cierta posición social a moción del Arzobispo y frailes interesados en mantenerles en el obscurantismo por sus miras egoístas y codiciosas, deportaciones que se llevan a cabo desde luego mediante un procedimiento más execrable que el de la Inquisición y que rechaza toda nación civilizada por resolverse sin audiencia de los que a él están sometidos, determiaron hacer un movimiento insurreccional en Agosto de mil ochocientos noventa y seis, a recobrar la independencia y soberanía de que les privó España por medio del adelantado Miguel López de Legazpi que continuando el rumbo seguido por su predecesor Hernando de Magallanes, que arribó a las playas de Cebu y ocupó esta Isla por medio de pacto de amistad que celebró con su Rey Tupas, aunque fue muerto en el combate habido en dichas playas a que le provocó el Rey Kalipulako de Manktan, receloso de sus malas intenciones, desembarcó en la Isla de Bohol haciendo también el célebre pacto de sangre de amistad con su Rey Sikatuna para después de tomar por fuerza a Cebu, porque el sucesor Tupas no le consintió ocuparlo, venir a la capital de Manila como así hizo, granjeando igualmente la amistad de sus Reyes Soliman y La Kandela y tomando después posesión de ella por todo el Archipiélago para España, en virtud de las órdenes del Rey Felipe II que dados estos precedentes históricos porque en derecho internacional no es reconocida la prescripción establecida por las Leyes para legitimar hasta la adquisición viciosa de bienes de particulares, no se puede poner en duda la legitimidad de tal movimiento que calmó y no del todo sofocó la pacificación propuesta por Don Pedro A. Paterno con Don Emilio Aguinaldo como presidente del Gobierno Republicano constituído en Biaknabato y aceptado por el Gobernador General Don Fernando Primo de Rivera bajo condiciones que se establecieron unas escritas y otras verbales, entre ellas, las amnistía general para todos los emigrados y condenados: que por incumplimiento de alguna que otra de estas condiciones después de la destrucción de la Escuadra Española por la Norteamericana y bombardeo de la plaza de Cavite, volvió Don Emilio Aguinaldo para iniciar una nueva revolución, y apenas que dio la voz para efectuarse el treinta y uno del mes próximo pasado, algunos pueblos se anticiparon a moverse, y el veintiocho entre Imus y Cavite Viejo fue copada y tuvo que rendirse una fuerza española de ciento setenta y ocho al mando de un Comandante de Infantería de Marina, propagándose este movimiento como chispa eléctrica en los otros pueblos, así de esta misma provincia como de los de Bataan, Pampanga, Batangas, Bulacan, Laguna y Morong, algunos con puertos y tal es el éxito del triunfo de nuestras armas verdaderamente asombroso y sin ejemplo en la historia de las revoluciones coloniales que en la primera solo quedan por rendirse los Destacamentos de Naie e Indang, en la segunda no existe ya ninguno, en la tercera esta localizada la resistencia de iguales fuerzas en el pueblo de San Fernando en él concentradas la mayor parte y el resto en los de Macabebes, Sesmoan y Guagua; en la cuarta en la Villa de Lipa, en la quinta en la Cabecera y Calumpit; y en las dos restantes en sus respectivas Cabeceras y próxima a estar completamente sitiada la Ciudad de Manila por las nuestras amén de las provincias de Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Pangasinan, Union, Zambales, y algunas otras de las Islas Visayas insurreccionadas en algunos de sus pueblos, en unos casi a raíz de aquella pacificación y en otros aún antes, de suerte que puede darse por segura la independencia de nuestro territorio y reivindicada nuestra soberanía, y tomando por testigo de la rectitud de nuestras intenciones al Juez Supremo del Universo, bajo la protección de la Potente y Humanitaria Nación Norte Americana, proclamos y declaramos solemnemente en nombre y por la Autoridad de los habitantes de todas estas Islas Filipinas, que son y tienen el derecho de ser libres e independientes, que están desligadas de toda obediencia a la Corona de España, que todo lazo politico entre unos y otra, está y debe estar completamente roto y anulado y que como todos los Estados libres e independientes, tienen plena Autoridad para hacer la Guerra, concluir la paz, celebrar tratados mercantiles, contraer alianzas, reglamentar el Comercio y realizar todos demás actos y cosas que los Estados Independientes tienen el derecho de hacer, y poseídos de firme confianza en la protección de la Divina Providencia, comprometemos mutuamente para sostenimiento de esta declaración, nuestras vidas, nuestras fortunas y nuestro bien más sagrado que es el honor. Admitimos, aprobamos y confirmamos con las disposiciones emanadas de ellas, la Dictadura constituída por Don Emilio Aguinaldo a quien acatamos como Jefe Supremo de esta Nación que empieza ya hoy a tener vida propia, por creer haber sido el instrumento elegido por Dios, a pesar de sus humildes dotes para efectuar la redención de este desdichado pueblo, preconizada por el Doctor Don José Rizal en los versos magníficos que compuso al ser puesto en Capilla para ser fusilado, librádole del yugo dela dominación Española en castigo de la impunidad que su Gobierno dejaba de los abusos que cometían sus subordinados, y de los fusilamientos injustos de dicho Rizal y otros que fueron sacrificados para contentar a la frailocracia insaciable en s used hidrópica de venganza y de exterminio de todos los que se oponen a sus maquiavélicos fines con conculcación del Código Penal que dio para estas Islas, y de los de personas meramente sospechosas, ordenados por los Jefes de Destacamentos, a instigación de los frailes sin forma ni figura de juicio y sin auxilio spiritual de nuestra sagrada Religión, igualmente que para el mismo fin fueron ahorcados los eminentes patricios curas filipinos Doctor Don José Burgos, Don Mariano Gómez y Don Jacinto Zamora, cuya sangre inocente derramada en virtud de intriga de esas corporaciones mal llamadas religiosas que simularon la insurrección militar estallada la noche del veintiuno de enero de mil ochocientos setenta y dos en el fuerte de San Felipe de la plaza de Cavite, atribuyendo su promoción a dichos mártires para impedir el cumplimiento del Decreto-Sentencia dictado por el Consejo de Estado en el recurso contencioso Administrativo interpuesto por el Clero Secular contra las Reales Ordenes por las que se mandó entregar los curatos que poseía en este Arzobispado a los Recoletanos en cambio de los que regentaban en Mindanao que se cedían a los Jesuítas, revocándolas por completo y ordenando la devolución de aquellos curatos cuyo expediente quedó archivado en el Ministerio de Ultramar; a donde fue remitido en los últimos meses del año anterior para extender la oportuna Real Prohibición; fue la que hizo brotar el árbol de la libertad de este nuestro querido suelo, haciéndolo crecer los inicuos procedimientos empleados para oprimirnos más y más, hasta que agotada la última gota del cáliz de nuestros sufrimientos, estalló la pasada insurrección en Caloocan, se propagó en Santamesa y continuó con las inmediatas en esta provincial, donde el heroísmo sin igual de sus habitantes dio al traste con los combates del General Blanco, y contuvo a las numerosas huestes del General Polavieja por espacio de tres meses, sin los elementos de guerra de que hoy disponemos y empezando con armas propias de este país qie son el bolo, caña agusada y saeta. Además conferimos a nuestro renombrado Dictador Don Emilio Aguinaldo todas las facultades necesarias para desempeñar dibidamente su Gobierno inclusas las prerrogativas de indulto y amnistía. Y por ultimo se acordó unánimemente que esta Nación ya Independiente desde hoy, debe usar la bandera que hasta ahora sigue usando, cuya forma y colores se hallan descritos en el Adjunto dibujo con el remate que representa al natural con tres referidas armas significando el triángulo blanco como distintivo de la célebre Sociedad “Katipunan” que por medio de pacto de sangre empujó a las masas a insurreccionarse; representando las tres estrellas las tres principales Islas de este Archipiélago, Luzon, Mindanao y Panay en que estalló este movimento insurreccional; indicando el sol los agigantados pasos que han dado los hijos de este país en el camino del progreso y civilización, simbolizando los ocho rayos de aquél las ocho provincias: Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Marinduque, Bataan, Laguna y Batangas, declarando en estado de guerra apenas se inició la primera insurrección; conmemorando los colores azul, rojo y blanco los de la bandera de los Estados Unidos de la América del Norte, como manifestación de nuestro profundo agradecimiento hacia esta Gran Nación por la desinteresada protección que nos presta y seguirá prestando. Y empuñando la dicha bandera la presenté a los Señores congregados: Don Segundo Aveliano, Don Tiburcio del Rosario, Don Sergio Matias, Don Agapito Zialeita, Don Glaviano Alonso, Don Mariano Legazpi, Don José Turiano Santiago y Acosta, Don Aurelio Tolentino, Don Félix Ferrey, Don Felipe Buen Camino, Don Fernando Canon Faustino (hijo), Don Anastasio Gimenez, Don Timoteo Bernali, Don Flaviano Rodriguez, Don Luciano Masancay, Don Narciso Muguya, Don Gregorio Villa, Don Luis Perez de Tayle, Don Canuto Celestino, Don Marcos Foesien, Don Martin de los Reyes, Don Ciriaco Bansa, Don Manuel Santos, Don Mariano Toribio, Don Gabriel Reyes, Don Hugo Lim, Don Emiliano Lim, Don Fausto Tisono, Don Rosendo Simon, Don Leon Tanyangues, Don Gregorio Bonifacio, Don Manuel Salafranca, Don Simon Villareal, Don Calixto Lara, Don Beneventura Toribio, Don Zacarias Fajardo, Don Florencio Manulo, Don Ramon Ganas, Don Marcelino Gomez, Don Valentin Polintan, Don Felix Polintan, Don Evaristo Dimulantu, Don Gregorio Alvarez, Don Sabas de Guzman, Don Esteban Francisco, Don Guido Yap-tinchay, Don Sillariano Rianzares Bautista, Don Francisco Arumbulo, Don Antonio Gonzalez, Don Juan Arevalo, Don Ramon Delfino, Don Honorio Tiengea, Don Francisco del Rosario, Don Epifanio Saguil, Don Ladislao Afable Jose, Don Sixto Rolian, Don Luis de Lara, Don Marcelo Basa, Don Jose Medina, Don Epifanio Ciriaia, Don Pastor Lopez de Leon, Don Mariano de los Santos, Don Santiago Garcia, Don Claudio Tria Tirona, Don Estanislao Tria Tirona, Don Daniel Tria Tirona, Don Andrés Tria Tirona, Don Carlos Tria Tirona, Don Sulpicio P. Antony, Don Epitasio Asuncion, Don Catalino Ramon, Don Juan Bordador, Don José del Rosario, Don Riverso Pulido, Don José Maria del Rosario, Don Ramon Magcanes, Don Antonio Calingo, Don Pedro Mendiola, Don Estanislao Calingo, Don Numercano Castilla, Don Federico Toma Cruz, Don Teodoro Yates, Don Ladislao Dina, los cuales juraron solemnemente reconocerla y defenderla hasta la última gota de nuestra sangre. Por esto lo cual extiendo la presente Acta que forman conmigo los concurrentes en este acto como asi mismo el único extranjero Subdito Norteameriacano Mr. L. M. Johnson Coronel de Artilleria que asistió a el mismo de que certifica.
The June 12 proclamation was later modified by another proclamation done at Malolos, Bulacan, upon the insistence of Apolinario Mabini, who objected to the original proclamation, which essentially placed the Philippines under the protection of the United States.
Philippine Declaration of Independence
In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day of June 1898: BEFORE ME, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, War Counsellor and Special Delegate designated to proclaim and solemnize this Declaration of Independence by the Dictatorial Government of the Philippines, pursuant to, and by virtue of, a Decree issued by the Egregious Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy,
The undersigned assemblage of military chiefs and others of the army who could not attend, as well as the representatives of the various towns,
Taking into account the fact that the people of this country are already tired of bearing the ominous yoke of Spanish domination,
Because of arbitrary arrests and abuses of the Civil Guards who cause deaths in connivance with and even under the express orders of their superior officers who at times would order the shooting of those placed under arrest under the pretext that they attempted to escape in violation of known Rules and Regulations, which abuses were left unpunished, and because of unjust deportations of illustrious Filipinos, especially those decreed by General Blanco at the instigation of the Archbishop and the friars interested in keeping them in ignorance for egoistic and selfish ends, which deportations were carried out through processes more execrable than those of the Inquisition which every civilized nation repudiates as a trial without hearing,
Had resolved to start a revolution in August 1896 in order to regain the independence and sovereignty of which the people had been deprived by Spain through Governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi who, continuing the course followed by his predecessor Ferdinand Magellan who landed on the shores of Cebu and occupied said Island by means of a Pact of Friendship with Chief Tupas, although he was killed in battle that took place in said shores to which battle he was provoked by Chief Kalipulako of Mactan who suspected his evil designs, landed on the Island of Bohol by entering also into a Blood Compact with its Chief Sikatuna, with the purpose of later taking by force the Island of Cebu, and because his successor Tupas did not allow him to occupy it, he went to Manila, the capital, winning likewise the friendship of its Chiefs Soliman and Lakandula, later taking possession of the city and the whole Archipelago in the name of Spain by virtue of an order of King Philip II, and with these historical precedents and because in international law the prescription established by law to legalize the vicious acquisition of private property is not recognized, the legitimacy of such revolution can not be put in doubt which was calmed but not completely stifled by the pacification proposed by Don Pedro A. Paterno with Don Emilio Aguinaldo as President of the Republic established in Biak-na-Bato and accepted by Governor-General Don Fernando Primo de Rivera under terms, both written and oral, among them being a general amnesty for all deported and convicted persons; that by reason of the non-fulfillment of some of the terms, after the destruction of the Spanish Squadron by the North American Navy, and bombardment of the plaza of Cavite, Don Emilio Aguinaldo returned in order to initiate a new revolution and no sooner had he given the order to rise on the 31st of last month when several towns anticipating the revolution, rose in revolt on the 28th, such that a Spanish contingent of 178 men, between Imus and Cavite-Viejo, under the command of a major of the Marine Infantry capitulated, the revolutionary movement spreading like wild fire to other towns of Cavite and the other provinces of Bataan, Pampanga, Batangas, Bulacan, Laguna, and Morong, some of them with seaports and such was the success of the victory of our arms, truly marvelous and without equal in the history of colonial revolutions that in the first mentioned province only the Detachments in Naic and Indang remained to surrender; in the second, all Detachments had been wiped out; in the third, the resistance of the Spanish forces was localized in the town of San Fernando where the greater part of them are concentrated, the remainder in Macabebe, Sexmoan, and Guagua; in the fourth, in the town of Lipa; in the fifth, in the capital and in Calumpit; and in the last two remaining provinces, only in their respective capitals, and the city of Manila will soon be besieged by our forces as well as the provinces of Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Pangasinan, La Union, Zambales, and some others in the Visayas where the revolution at the time of the pacification and others even before, so that the independence of our country and the revindication of our sovereignty is assured.
And having as witness to the rectitude of our intentions the Supreme Judge of the Universe, and under the protection of the Powerful and Humanitarian Nation, the United States of America, we do hereby proclaim and declare solemnly in the name and by authority of the people of these Philippine Islands,
That they are and have the right to be free and independent; that they have ceased to have any allegiance to the Crown of Spain; that all political ties between them are and should be completely severed and annulled; and that, like other free and independent States, they enjoy the full power to make War and Peace, conclude commercial treaties, enter into alliances, regulate commerce, and do all other acts and things which an Independent State has a right to do,
And imbued with firm confidence in Divine Providence, we hereby mutually bind ourselves to support this Declaration with our lives, our fortunes, and with our most sacred possession, our Honor.
We recognize, approve, and ratify, with all the orders emanating from the same, the Dictatorship established by Don Emilio Aguinaldo whom we revere as the Supreme Head of this Nation, which today begins to have a life of its own, in the conviction that he has been the instrument chosen by God, in spite of his humble origin, to effectuate the redemption of this unfortunate country as foretold by Dr. Don Jose Rizal in his magnificent verses which he composed in his prison cell prior to his execution, liberating it from the Yoke of Spanish domination,
And in punishment for the impunity with which the Government sanctioned the commission of abuses by its officials, and for the unjust execution of Rizal and others who were sacrificed in order to please the insatiable friars in their hydropical thirst for vengeance against and extermination of all those who oppose their Machiavellian ends, trampling upon the Penal Code of these Islands, and of those suspected persons arrested by the Chiefs of Detachments at the instigation of the friars, without any form nor semblance of trial and without any spiritual aid of our sacred Religion; and likewise, and for the same ends, eminent Filipino priests, Doctor Don Jose Burgos, Don Mariano Gomez, and Don Jacinto Zamora were hanged whose innocent blood was shed due to the intrigues of these so-called Religious corporations which made the authorities to believe that the military uprising at the fort of San Felipe in Cavite on the night of January 21, 1872 was instigated by those Filipino martyrs, thereby impeding the execution of the decree-sentence issued by the Council of State in the appeal in the administrative case interposed by the secular clergy against the Royal Orders that directed that the parishes under them within the jurisdiction of this Bishopric be turned over to the Recollects in exchange for those controlled by them in Mindanao which were to be transferred to the Jesuits, thus revoking them completely and ordering the return of those parishes, all of which proceedings are on file with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to which they are sent last month of last year for the issuance of the proper Royal Degree which, in turn, caused the growth of the tree of liberty in this our dear land that grew more and more through the iniquitous measures of oppression, until the last drop from our chalice of suffering having been drained, the first spark of revolution broke out in Caloocan, spread out to Santamesa and continued its course to the adjoining regions of the province where the unequalled heroism of its inhabitants fought a onesided battle against superior forces of General Blanco and General Polavieja for a period of three months, without proper arms nor ammunitions, except bolos, pointed bamboos, and arrows.
Moreover, we confer upon our famous Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo all the powers necessary to enable him to discharge the duties of Government, including the prerogatives of granting pardon and amnesty,
And, lastly, it was resolved unanimously that this Nation, already free and independent as of this day, must use the same flag which up to now is being used, whose design and colors are found described in the attached drawing, the white triangle signifying the distinctive emblem of the famous Society of the "Katipunan" which by means of its blood compact inspired the masses to rise in revolution; the three stars, signifying the three principal Islands of this Archipelago-Luzon, Mindanao, and Panay where this revolutionary movement started; the sun representing the gigantic steps made by the sons of the country along the path of Progress and Civilization; the eight rays, signifying the eight provinces-Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Laguna, and Batangas—which declared themselves in a state of war as soon as the first revolt was initiated; and the colors of Blue, Red, and White, commemorating the flag of the United States of North America, as a manifestation of our profound gratitude towards this Great Nation for its disinterested protection which it lent us and continues lending us.
And holding up this flag of ours, I present it to the gentlemen here assembled - Don Segundo Arellano, Don Tiburcio del Rosario, Sergio Matias, Don Agapito Zialcita, Don Flaviano Alonzo, Don Mariano Legazpi, Don Jose Turiano Santiago y Acosta, Don Aurelio Tolentino, Don Felix Ferrer, Don Felipe Buencamino, Don Fernando Canon Faustino, (Hijo), Don Anastacio Pinzun, Don Timoteo Bernabe, Don Flaviano Rodriguez, Don Gavino Masancay, Don Narciso Mayuga, Don Gregorio Villa, Don Luis Perez Tagle, Don Canuto Celestino, Don Marcos Jocson, Don Martin de los Reyes, Don Ciriaco Bausa, Don Manuel Santcs, Don Mariano Toribio, Don Gabriel Reyes, Don Hugo Lim, Don Emiliano Lim, Don Fausto Tinorio, Don Rosendo Simon, Don Leon Tanjanque, Don Gregorio Bonifacio, Don Manuel Salafranca, Don Simon Villareal, Don Calixto Lara, Don Buenaventura Toribio, Don Zacarias Fajardo, Don Florencio Manalo, Don Roman Gana, Don Marcelino Gomez, Don Valentin Polintan, Don Felix Polintan, Don Evaristo Dimalanta, Don Gregorio Alvarez, Don Sabas de Guzman, Don Esteban Francisco, Don Guido Yaptinchay, Don Mariano Rianzares Bautista, Don Francisco Arambulo, Don Antonio Gonzalez, Don Juan Arevalo, Don Ramon Delfino, Don Honorio Tiongco, Don Francisco del Rosario, Don Epifanio Saguil, Don Ladislao Afable Jose, Don Sixto Roldan, Don Luis de Lara, Don Marcelo Basa, Don Jose Medina, Don Epifanio Cirisia, Don Pastor Lopez de Leon, Don Mariano de los Santos, Don Santiago Garcia, Don Claudio Tria Tirona, Don Estanislao Tria Tirona, Don Daniel Tria Tirona, Don Andres Tria Tirona, Don Carlos Tria Tirona, Don Sulpicio P. Antony, Don Epitacio Asuncion, Don Catalino Ramon, Don Juan Bordador, Don Jose del Rosario, Don Proceso Pulido, Don Jose Maria del Rosario, Don Ramon Magcamco, Don Antonio Calingo, Don Pedro Mendiola, Don Estanislao Calingo, Don Numeriano Castillo, Don Federico Tomacruz, Don Teodoro Yatco, Don Ladislao Diwa,
Who solemnly swear to recognize and defend it unto the last drop of their blood.
In witness thereof, I certify that this Act of Declaration of Independence was signed by me and by all those here assembled including the only stranger who attended those proceedings, a citizen of the U.S.A., Mr. L. M. Johnson, a Colonel of Artillery.
The declaration, in the form of a proclamation, in the presence of a huge crowd, was done on June 12, 1898 at the ancestral home of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo between four and five in the afternoon in Cavite el Viejo (now Kawit), Cavite, some 30 kilometers south of Manila. The event saw the unfurling of the national flag of the Philippines, made in Hong Kong by Mrs. Marcela Agoncillo, Lorenza Agoncillo and Delfina Herboza, and the performance of the Marcha Filipina Magdalo, as the country’s national anthem, today known as Lupang Hinirang, made by Julian Felipe and played by the San Francisco de Malabon marching band.
The Act of the Declaration of Independence was prepared and written by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista in Spanish, who also read the said declaration. A passage in the Declaration reminds one of another passage in the American Declaration of Independence. The Philippine Declaration was signed by ninety-eight persons, among them an American army officer who witnessed the proclamation. The proclamation of Philippine independence was, however, promulgated on August 1, when many towns had already been organized under the rules laid down by the Dictatorial Government.
The June 12 proclamation was later modified by another proclamation done at Malolos, Bulacan, upon the insistence of Apolinario Mabini, who objected to the original proclamation, which essentially placed the Philippines under the protection of the United States.
The Act of the Declaration of Independence was prepared and written by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista in Spanish, who also read the said declaration. A passage in the Declaration reminds one of another passage in the American Declaration of Independence. The Philippine Declaration was signed by ninety-eight persons, among them an American army officer who witnessed the proclamation. The proclamation of Philippine independence was, however, promulgated on August 1, when many towns had already been organized under the rules laid down by the Dictatorial Government.
The June 12 proclamation was later modified by another proclamation done at Malolos, Bulacan, upon the insistence of Apolinario Mabini, who objected to the original proclamation, which essentially placed the Philippines under the protection of the United States.
Feb 7, 2011
Feb 6, 2011
The Philippine Revolution
by Apolinario Mabini
Dedication
To My Mother:
When, still a child, I told you that I wanted to acquire learning, you were overjoyed , because your heart's desire was that a son of yours should be a priest; to he a minister of God was for you the greatest honour that a man could aspire to in this world.
Realizing that you were too poor to meet the expenses of my education, you worked as hard as you could, heedless of sun and rain, until you caught the illness that took you to your grave.
But I was not fated to be a priest. I am, however, convinced that the true minister of God is not one who wears a cassock, but everyone who proclaims His glory by good works of service to the greatest possible number of His creatures, and I shall endevour to be faithful to your desires as long as I have the strength to do so.
Now, wishing to place on your grave a wreath woven by my own hands, I dedicate this humble work, to your memory; it is a poor thing, unworthy of you, yet the best so far woven by the artless hands of your son,
THE AUTHOR
Introductory Manifesto
Although from May 1899 until the following December, when I was captured by the American forces, I not only held no official position but did not even reside, near the seat of the Philippine Government, nevertheless, having felt obliged to take up the people's cause, I believe it also to be my duty to give my countrymen an accounting of my activities now that I think it time to consider them at an end.
From my capture until my banishment to Guam I had the honour to discuss at length the termination of the war and the pacification of the islands with Generals MacArthur and J. F. Bell. A glance at the results of those discussions will give an idea of my conduct.
The said generals began by expressing to me their eagerness that I should contribute to the pacification of the islands for only by these means would the Filipinos attain their welfare. I, replied that I ardently desired, the same thing and asked them to tell me in. what form my cooperation would be of value. They then told me that they would have confidence in me and accept my services only when I had unconditionally recognized American sovereignty in the Philippines, especially if I also helped them in the establishment of the government they judged most conducive to the happiness of. the Filipino people. Again I demurred, saying that as soon as I did what they required, my countrymen, in their state of mind at that time, would forthwith withdraw their confidence from me, and, having thus lost my influence over the Filipinos, I would be useless. for the purposes of pacification or any other advantageous objective.
The aforesaid generals thought my reply was only a pretext to remain in a position which they considered to be one of systematic opposition to the American's plans. For this reason, they told me, they were convinced that my intransigent attitude and that of Mr. Aguinaldo were the only obstacles in the way of the sought-for peace, and, since they were determined to achieve it for the good of the Filipinos themselves, they might find it necessary to remove these obstacles by deporting the irreconcilable. I stated that in my judgment the Revolution had been caused, not by mere personal ambition, but by the ungratified aspirations of the people, and I was fully convinced that, if Mr. Aguinaldo and I acted in open disagreement with public opinion, we would be discredited and by the same token unable to prevent, the resumption of hostilities, sooner or later, by new leaders. True peace, I said, could be attained only if the Americans should come to know how to win the confidence of the Filipinos, and arbitrary and violent processes would never arouse such confidence; the experience of the Spanish regime had shown that deportations only served to excite hatred and hostility since it was cruel and unjust to impose the double penalty of imprisonment and indefinite exile on persons whose offenses had not been proven in court. I said finally that, far from opposing the plans of the Americans, I had tried to make known in all sincerity the true sentiments of the Filipinos in general and the revolutionists in particular, so that ignorance of these sentiments might not lead to the formulation of a mistaken policy prejudicial to the cause of peace, and that I wanted to preserve my good repute at all costs to be useful not only to the Filipinos but also to the Americans. The latter might err in their estimates; it might happen that despite banishment and the capture or surrender of Aguinaldo the islands were not pacified; and in that case the help of, those Filipinos who had not forfeited the trust of the revolutionists would be indispensable for the achievement of peace, for which end I wanted to keep myself in reserve in default of others better qualified, or at the very least to help these and be of some use to them if need be.
Reflecting now on subsequent events, I find no evidence that my banishment to Guam contributed in any way toward the capture of Aguinaldo and Lukban or the surrender of Malvar and other Filipino leaders; on the contrary, there is reason to believe that this error had more than a little to do with the prolongation of hostilities and loss of lives. Diplomacy having been despised as a weapon fit only for the weak, the struggle could cease only when the revolutionists no longer had the means to continue it. It is not in the ordinary and natural course of events that the weak should overcome the strong. We fought in the conviction that our dignity and sense of duty required the sacrifice of defending our freedoms as long as we could, since without them social equality between the dominant class and the native population would be impossible in practice and perfect justice among us could not have been achieved. Yet we knew it would not be long before our scant resources were exhausted, and our defeat inevitable. The struggle thus became unjustified and indefensible from the moment that the vast majority of the population chose submission to the conqueror, and many of the revolutionists themselves joined his ranks, since, unable to enjoy their natural freedoms -- being prevented from doing so by the American forces -- and lacking means to remove this obstacle, they deemed it prudent to yield and put their hopes on the promises made in the name of the people of the United States. The surrender of the last partisan bands was followed by an amnesty proclamation, and on 24th August 1902 those banished to Guam were told that they could return to their country should they freely swear to recognize and accept the supreme authority of the United States in the Philippines, and to observe sincere, loyalty and obedience to the same, without mental reservation or purpose of evasion. To satisfy a scrupulous conscience -- it did not seem to me reasonable or correct to pledge my word without first making sure I should do so -- I asked to be taken prisoner to Manila in conformity with the proclamation which provided that "the oath be taken before any authority in the Philippine Archipelago authorized to administer such oaths." The governor of Guam promised to transmit my petition to the competent authorities, without, however, advising me that he would not know the decision until toward the end of the following December. Nonetheless, I preferred to wait. Then, on the 9th February 1903 the commanding officer of the prison camp handed me letter from the governor, advising me that I was free to go anywhere except the Philippines, whither I could not return without taking the oath of allegiance.
I asked for time to think it over since it was not so easy for me to come to a decision as it seemed at first sight. In the first place, like any other man, I hold to certain truths which rule and guide my conscience and which constitute my articles of faith. They. enjoin me to believe that all authority over the people resides, by natural law, in the people themselves; whence, faced with the idea of taking the oath of allegiance to the authority of the United States in the Philippines, it seemed to me that I would be asking God to sanction an act contrary to the law or order which He had himself imposed on the world from the beginning of time. My conscience told me it was blasphemy to ask God's help in doing something He himself abhorred. Furthermore, if freedom of thought and speech was one of the privileges of every citizen of the. Philippines, would it be lawful to require me to forswear my beliefs at the very moment that I was promising to lead a peaceful and honourable life? If the practices observed by all civilized nations extended this freedom to include all doctrines which did not promote the subversion of social order and the depravation of customs, could an oath, imposed by the executive power contrary to the spirit of American institutions and a fair interpretation of the, laws in force in the Philippines, be considered valid? Having taken an unconditional oath of allegiance to the authority of the United States in the Philippines, would it be lawful for me, without betraying my sworn allegiance, to advocate afterwards the diminution of that authority, asking for the people the self -government publicly promised to the Filipinos for such time as they, were fit for it? If any obligation contrary to natural law is essentially null and void, would it not be more practical and salutary to seek another formula which would reconcile the respect due to the law and to the fulfillment of the state's obligations, with the sanctity of an oath and the promises of the government, so that the Filipinos might not grow to look on perjury as legitimate?
It is true that whoever attempts to govern on the basis of theories alone is bound to fail because the science of government is essentially practical; but it is also true that all practices contrary to theory, that is to say, contrary to reason and science, can fittingly be termed abuses, that is to say, corrupt practices, since they corrupt society. The ruler's success is always to be found in the adjustment of his practical measures to the natural and immutable order of things and to the special needs of the locality, An adjustment that can be made with the help of the theoretical knowledge and experience. The source of all failures in government can, therefore be found, not in (mistaken) theories but in unprincipled practices arising from base passions or ignorance. If the Government of the United States has been able to lead the Union along the paths of prosperity and greatness, it is because its practices have not diverged from the theories contained in the Declarations of Independence and of the Rights of Man, which constitute an exposition of the principles of natural law implanted by the scientific revolutions in the political field. If truth is to be found in the synchronization of reason and experience, rectitude lies in the synchronization of theory and practice.
Nevertheless, after many vacillations and soul-searching anxiety, I attained at last the tranquillity produced by a firm conviction. My conscience is clear that it was licit for me to take the oath because it was unavoidable, the reason being that a need more imperious than the love of truth demanded my return to the islands. The more we read the history of humankind, the more must we observe that, in the frequent wars which have inflamed the peoples of the earth from the remotest times to our own days, just as fortresses and cities always had to surrender, to the victor, so also reason and justice, many times if not always, had perforce to yield to the exigencies of power. Conquered peoples have submitted to the impositions of the conqueror in order to survive, survival being indispensable for the preservation of the human race nature's paramount need or law. Now that the Filipino people have submitted themselves to the authority of the United States to escape their ruin, my continued stay in Guam could have been interpreted as contravening the will of the people, as persisting in a desperate prolongation of the strife. When the people went to war, I thought it my duty to be, at their side and help them endure it to the end; now that they feel they lack the strength to continue fighting for their rights, I believe I should likewise be at their side, to tell 'them not to despair but have greater confidence in themselves, in justice, and in the future.
The truth is that I never had the courage to rouse up my countrymen when they preferred to live undisturbed. I worked enthusiastically with Rizal, Marcelo del Pilar and others who, after exposing the evils inflicted on the Filipinos by a willful or arbitrary regime, once asked the Spanish Government for the political assimilation of the Philippines as a Spanish province just so that many Filipinos should not seek the remedy for those evils in separatism by organizing a society like the Katipunan or an uprising, like that of 1896. Conscious of the calamities and miseries that arise from the subversion of public order, I was not a member of the first nor did I join the second. But when in 1898 I saw on ill sides the vexation and indignation caused by the blind obstinacy of the Spanish Government, and the cruelties with which it rewarded the services of those who had shown it the dangers of its maladministration in the Philippines and suggested the remedies to avert them, I saw clearly the avowed will of the people and my manifest duty to abide by it and to influence the Revolution so that, destroying only what was outworn and useless in the old regime, it should establish a new one more suitable to the true needs of the Filipinos and more adaptable to the changes or reforms demanded by its advancing civilization. I joined the struggle in the belief that I was following the voice of the people; I quit it now for the same reason.
My past sets the standard for my actions in the future. Instead of organizing fresh uprisings I shall seek the means to avoid them, for that, it seems to me, is the duty in times of peace of every honest citizen who truly loves his country. The same tenacity with which I defended our natural rights during the war is now called for by the conviction that the recognition of those rights by the United States constitutes the surest guarantee of peace and the most trustworthy safeguard against future insurrections. Fighting to the limits of our strength and of reasonableness, all we have accomplished has been to show our love of freedom; now that the United States have seen fit to recognize we are entitled to a measure of that freedom, guaranteeing to each citizen the exercise of certain rights which make our communal life less constricted, it is incumbent upon us to show that all we want are those rights, that all we desire is freedom of action to increase our treasury of culture and welfare, thus accrediting the capacity which justifies our claim to the promised recognition of the remainder of our freedom.
I can avow that the United States will very probably try to fulfill their pledges inasmuch as they know: (1) that their sovereignty has not been sought by the Filipinos but rather has been imposed upon them; (2) that whether the present cessation of hostilities is to become a true peace or a simple. truce, more or less extended, will depend on their treatment of, the Filipinos; (3) that Spain, in prohibiting in the Philippines the organization of associations or political parties to prevent their becoming spokesmen of. the desires of the people, fomented the organization of partisan bands, and, in proscribing the Liga Filipina,opened the way for the Katipunan; and (4) lastly, that any colonial regime, which does a not know how to adjust itself to the needs aroused by, the ever increasing culture of the colonized and by their ever easier and more intimate intercourse with civilized countries, encourages the separation of the colony and, at the same time, political corruption and decadence in the metropolis. If we should add to these counsels of reason and lessons of history the pride of a people that knows its own power and greatness and thinks it knows the way of the world, we could well affirm that there is-no reason for mistrust at this time when we should forget past grievances and sacrifice them for the sake of the reconciliation and brotherly union of Americans and Filipinos. Not only have the United States assured that this union is the most certain guarantee of our happiness but, by making themselves the arbiter of our fate, they have compelled us perforce to think it so. So be it, then but meantime let us labour to make our minds and hearts fit for whatever is worthy and honourable in life in the expectation that time will lift the veil of the future to show us the true way of our progress and happiness.
Now, since my illness requires a less strenuous life, I return, driven by circumstances to the obscurity, from whence I came in order to hide my shame and sorrow, not at having. acted dishonorably, but at not having rendered better service. It is not for me, of course, to say whether, I have acted well or badly, correctly or mistakenly. However, I cannot close without saying. that I have no other balm to sweeten the bitterness of a harsh and melancholy life than the satisfaction given by the conviction of having always done what I believed to be my duty. God grant that I can say the same at the hour of my death.
Ap. Mabini
CHAPTER I
Political Revolution and Evolution
By political revolution I understand a people's movement aimed at producing a violent change in the organization. and operation of the three public powers: the executive, the legislative and the judicial. If the movement is slow, gradual or progressive, it is called evolution. I say people's movement because I consider it essential that the proposed change answer a need felt by the citizens in general. Any agitation promoted by a particular class for the benefit of its special interests does not' deserve the name (of political revolution or evolution).
The inclination toward betterment or progress is a common need or law for all beings, whether individually or collectively considered. So it is that political revolution is generally attempted by a people for whom the desire to improve their condition has become an irresistible need. But against this law there is another, known as the instinct of self-preservation, which restrains the impetuosities, of the people by showing, them the desolation and misery caused by the use of violence, and by reminding them of the possibility that an influential and unscrupulous class, exploiting the ignorance or corruption of its fellow citizens, may deceive them for the benefit of their special designs, in which case the revolution would worsen rather than. improve conditions.
This conflict is resolved by prudence, Which counsels evolution., Along this channel improvement is slow, but, gentle and without painful convulsions, somewhat like the spontaneous and almost imperceptible growth of a human being. As a general rule citizens prefer to wait because it serves their own convenience and because those turbulent souls who seek in rebellions their personal advancement do not dare raise their heads until the people are frustrated in their aspirations.
But evolution is not possible where the social organization is not adjusted to it, just as a plant grows and flourishes only in suitable soil. When the government takes measures for the stagnation of the people, whether for its own profit or that of a particular class, or for any other purpose, revolution is inevitable. A people that have not yet reached the fullness of life must grow and develop because otherwise their existence would be paralyzed, and paralyzation is equivalent to death. Since it is unnatural for a being to submit to its own destruction, the people must exert all their efforts to destroy the government which prevents their development. If the government is composed of the very sons of the people, it must necessarily fall.
A powerful foreign government determined to impose its authority by force, without regard for the aspirations of. the conquered people, can, of course, subjugate them, but such a government will be able to escape uprisings only after utterly extinguishing all the energies of the people in the course of long and sanguinary struggles. However, if the conqueror does not seek room for its excess population but rather a market for its products, strife and slaughter would cause it great injury for it would have to spend much blood and treasure only in order to exterminate the consumers of its, products. Consider further the habits of tyranny and despotism and the political corruption that frequent wars and the ambition to dominate foreign lands and peoples necessarily engender in the conquering classes, developments which increase the discontent of their opposition and produce disintegrating forces in a nation eminently liberal in its customs and heterogeneous in its population; and, starting from the most unfavorable assumptions for the conquered people, it may well be that, due to circumstances that cannot be humanly foreseen, such a people may emerge triumphant from the struggle.
The very same prudence that counsels the citizens to patience, counsels reflection to the conqueror. It is useless, true enough, to ask that it look after the interests of. the conquered country in preference to its own, for its vaunted humanitarian sentiments are as a rule only a mask to hide its real intentions, but since it is fatuous to go against the laws of nature, it would be a measure of the highest political wisdom for the conqueror to conciliate instead of antagonizing the conquered. Pride, which is always engendered by the consciousness of power, often considers the concessions suggested by prudence as signs of weakness, but it is necessary to keep in mind that, while pride sometimes instills courage and perseverance in the pursuit of hazardous enterprises, it is always, an evil counsellor in determining whether a proposed objective is expedient or not.
The study of the Philippine political revolution should determine whether or not the considerations I have set forth are worthwhile.
CHAPTER II
Spanish Rule in the Philippines before the Opening of the Suez Canal
Permission to post this text on the Austrian-Philippine Website is provisionally granted by the estate of Leon Ma. Guerrero. It is intended for academic use. Commercial exploitation of this is explicitly prohibited. Copyright Estate of Leon Ma. Guerrero. All rights reserved.
Scanning and proofreeding of the text by Robert L. Yoder
The Philippine political revolution is of recent origin, to be found, so to speak, as late as the opening of the Suez Canal in November 1869. Previous uprisings had been provoked by affronts offered to particular regions or persons, and were not motivated by a generally felt need for political reforms; thus they were no better than mere riots. Even the insurrection which broke out in the Cavite Arsenal in 1872 had this character. Fathers Burgos, Gomez and Zamora, who were made to appear as instigators of this movement and as such were executed on the 17th February that year, were only asking for the restitution of the parishes which the friars had seized from the Philippine secular clergy, and for the recognition of the preferential right, which canon law recognized in the latter, to the administration of the archipelago's parishes.
It could not be otherwise for when the Spaniards established their rule in the islands, toward the middle of the 16th century, the social organization of the Filipinos was still in a rudimentary stage. Where the inhabitants spoke the same dialect and observed the same usages and customs, there was an independent leader who governed his subjects in the manner of a patriarch or tribal chieftain: in Manila, which had a sizable population, there were two leaders entitled rajahs, one to the north and the other to the south of the Pasig river. Since none of these leaders or chieftains had attempted to unite everyone under one rule, whether by permanent alliances or by force of arms, there did not exist a consciousness of national unity or solidarity. Thus the Spaniards, by dint of pledges of friendship and protection, sealed in blood, were enabled to win over peace-loving chieftains, and with their help subjugated the more bellicose by force of arms. Discontent having thereafter grown because the pledged friendship and protection quickly turned into onerous lordship, the Spaniards, justifying whatever means might be used to this purpose, found excuses to rid themselves of those who, suspect because of their position and influence, could lead an uprising. They then prohibited the carrying of arms, leaving the conquered Filipinos so weakened and unarmed that the Mindanao Muslims could sack the coastal towns of Luzon and the Bisayas, often unresisted when the Spaniards still did not have steamships at their disposal.
The Spanish conquest's ostensible purpose was the propagation of the Catholic faith; it was to snatch infidels from the jaws of the barbarian and the Devil, and enable them to share the benefits of civilization and eternal life -- nothing could have been more disinterested and generous. But the conquistadores had to run the risks of uncharted seas and struggle against savage peoples and unaccustomed climes, and the goal of doing good to unknown people, by itself, was not and is not sufficient incentive to drive the average man to undertake such enterprises. A more positive incentive was needed, an objective concealed but more realistic, such as to make one's fortune. America's gold had roused the. cupidity of adventurous spirits. Then again, the conquest of new lands has always meant more possessions, more money. By teaching the natives their own religion and customs theconquistadores could rule their bodies and souls, taming them the better to exploit them. Whether soldiers, priests or merchants, the conquerors went and will go, after money, and, whatever their pretensions of humanitarian sentiments, will not put them into practice except as a means, to attain their original objective.
Having completed the domination of Luzon and the Bisayas, the Spaniards divided the conquered country, into districts which they termed encomiendas. Those who had distinguished themselves during the conquest were given each his own encomienda, with the right of succession. Since the encomenderos, to enrich themselves faster, required their serfs to pay tribute in kind according to the industry of each, and since a serf had little left to meet his needs after having paid tribute, he had to give up the crafts he had learned from his forefathers or from the Chinese, Japanese, and other races which had traded with the Filipinos before the conquest, and make his living only from the natural fruits of the soil which were still sufficient for his needs, thanks to the low density of the population. So much for all that humbug about the indolence of the Filipinos. On the other hand, the friars, driven by the zeal and intolerance made famous by the Inquisition in its time, proscribed as heretical and superstitious the religious usages and popular chants which might perhaps preserve the traditions regarding the origin, settlement and culture of the native population of the islands, and in their stead imposed beliefs and practices contrary to the native manner and way of life. This apprenticeship must have been painful for such a radical and violent change of life could not have been accomplished without great cruelties on the part of the conquerors, and unspeakable sufferings and utter exhaustion on the part of the conquered.
This, explains how a society that was already beginning to learn the art of living should return to its infancy and to live without consciousness of itself for three Centuries. If the Spaniards were to perpetuate their rule, they should perpetuate the ignorance and weakness of the native. Science and wealth meant strength; only the poor and the ignorant are weak. Since it was unavoidable to give the native a measure of religious teaching that he might not revert to his old superstitions, this education should train him to keep his eyes on the skies that he might neglect the bounties of the earth. 'The native should learn how to read the prayer-books and hagiographies translated into the country's dialects, but he must not know Spanish because then he would understand the laws and the decrees issued by higher authorities and cease to heed the advice of his parish priest, the friar. He must not read subversive books, and so those coming from abroad or locally published had to be subjected to the: strict censorship of the ecclesiastical authorities. Trade with neighbouring Muslim countries was prohibited; Japanese immigration was likewise forbidden and Chinese immigration, restricted. It was sought to stifle the echoes, already much weakened by distance and the difficulty of communications, of the revolutions in the United Colonies of America against England, in France, and in the Spanish American colonies, that they might not awaken the Filipinos from their long sleep, already shaken by frightening nightmares. In short, the Spanish government, working hand in hand with the friar, tried to isolate the Filipinos, intellectually and physically, from the outside, world that they', might 'not be subject to influences other than those both judged it convenient to allow.
CHAPTER III
Cause and Effect of the execution of Fathers Burgos, Gomez and Zamora
But such isolation was practicable only so long as the Europeans had to go by the Cape of Good Hope or the Straits of Magellan in order to reach the Far East, and before steam and electric, power had shortened distances. With the opening of the Suez Canal, the Philippines too was opened to the commerce of the civilized world. As a free and civilized nation, Spain was ashamed to imitate China by forbidding the islands to foreigners; besides, it did not have sufficient, strength to compel the great powers, if the need should arise, to abide by such a decision. Thanks to the increasing ease of communications events in Europe were already echoing in the ears of the Filipinos who, excited by these novelties, were beginning to think anew. Their awakening became even more thorough when the Filipino secular clergy, led by Father Burgos, appealed to the Spanish throne and Rome for the recovery of the parishes which the Spanish government had taken from them and given to the friars, confining the mselves to missionary work, should turn over all parishes to the Spanish and Filipino secular clergy in accordance with canon law. Since the friars were bound to lose the case because the petition was just and lawful, they put it about that the claimants were really agitators whose aim was to seize the parishes in order to organize an insurrection against the Spanish regime in the Philippines, The religious Orders claimed to be the sole support of Spanish rule and that, if they were removed from the parishes, the whole regime would come tumbling down, citing the precedent of the Mexican revolution which had been started by secular parish priests.
At this stage of the controversy, the garrison of the Cavite Arsenal mutinied. The ringleaders of the clerical dispute, offended because their claims had not been fairly met, were beyond any doubt, said their enemies, also the ringleaders of the insurrection and, as such, they. were condemned to death. The trial was held amid great mystery and secrecy; the sentence was hastily carried out; afterward it was forbidden to speak of the affair; and for these reasons no Filipino believed, or now believes, in the guilt of the executed priests.
Although Burgos and his companions, Gomez and Zamora, had worked for the rights, of a particular class and not of: the people as a whole, yet had they asked for justice, and died for having asked. True, already on the scaffold, Burgos still. could not understand why he should die, being innocent; which proves that he had not before then thought it possible that he should have to sacrifice his life for the cause he defended. But these were Christian priests, and they died like Christ, slandered by the friar-scribes, because they had sought to take away from the friars the administration of the parishes, the seat of their, power and influence over :the masses and the principal source of their wealth. So it is that the Filipinos keep them in grateful and imperishable memory, and the people venerate them as martyrs to justice.
The Spanish Government did not know and did not want to know anything about the friars in the Philippines or about the Filipinos. They first, in possession of the parishes, were in continuous contact with the latter, and informed against their personal enemies as enemies of Spain, handing them over to the constabulary to be tortured, and to the authorities to be banished. Those in authority who refused to do what the friars wished lost their jobs, and the most liberal minister in Spain, when in powers did whatever the friars wanted. The friars wanted to make an example of Burgos and his companions so that the Filipinos should be afraid to go against them from then on. But that patent injustice, that official crime, aroused not fear but hatred of the friars and of the regime that supported them, and a profound sympathy and sorrow for the victims. This sorrow worked a miracle: it made the Filipinos realize their condition for the first time. Conscious of pain, and thus conscious of life, they asked themselves what kind of a life they lived. The awakening was painful, and working to stay alive more painful still, but one must live. How? They did not know, and the desire to know, the anxiety to learn, overwhelmed and took possession of the youth of the Philippines. The curtain of ignorance woven diligently for centuries was rent at last: fiat lux, let there be light, would not be long in coming, the dawn of a new day was nearing.
CHAPTER IV
The Spanish Regime in the Philippines Before the Revolution.
There were formerly in Manila Latinity schools where that language was taught together with a little Spanish, the only mandatory requirements for the study of philosophy, theology and jurisprudence in the University of Santo Thomas, run by the Dominicans. The Philippine priests and lawyers who were Burgos's contemporaries, with the exception of sons of Spaniards, knew Latin perfectly well but hardly any Spanish because the educational system was wholly religious. Of those few Filipinos who had enough financial resources to study in Manila, the majority studied for the priesthood because the friars looked askance at lawyers while priests were held in high esteem by the natives. Later, in order to discourage young Filipinos from going to Spain or elsewhere abroad for studies not available in Manila,, there to pick up liberal and irreligious ideas, the friars amended the educational structure and opened medical and pharmaceutical schools, believing that they could thus at least choose the textbooks and teachers most suitable to their purposes: between. two unavoidable evils, the lesser was to be preferred. However, such was the thirst for knowledge and learning that many scions of wealthy families preferred to study in Spain and travel about Europe. Among those who went abroad for the express purpose of working for the improvement of the political situation of the Filipinos, Don Jose Rizal, a medical student, and Don Marcelo H. del Pilar, a Bulacan lawyer persecuted by his town's parish priest, deserve special mention.
From the political point of view the Philippines was then in a deplorable state. As a mere Spanish possession it did not enjoy constitutional guarantees, so that the King, through the Minister of the Colonies, the member of his government responsible for these matters, had in his hands, the whole of the legislative and executive power. In so far as he also appointed and transferred justices and judges at his discretion, he was also the absolute head of the judicial branch. He was represented in the archipelago by the governor general of the Philippines, who was always, a military man with the rank of lieutenant-general or captain-general in the army, and who exercised dictatorial authority to suspend at his discretion the enforcement of the decrees issued. by the Colonial Ministry when in his judgment they were prejudicial to peace and order in the islands; to banish any citizen or compel him to change his place of residence without being heard in his own defense; to prohibit the public ation or importation into the archipelago of books, pamphlets and articles not approved by the official censors; to search domiciles and correspondence without judicial warrant; to prohibit associations and assemblies for political purposes, as well as the exercise of any religion except the Roman Catholic: in brief, to prohibit the exercise of all those natural rights, older than any human law, which are due to any citizen. Thus the country was in effect in a permanent state of war, although peace had reigned everywhere for three centuries.
The governor general was also commander-in-chief of the army in the Philippines. As viceregal patron he appointed all parish priests and other ecclesiastical employees. He was assisted in his multiple functions, although with more independence and greater powers than ordinary secretaries, by the director general of the public treasury, in affairs pertaining to this field; the director general of civil administration, in affairs pertaining to police, public works, communications, agriculture, industry, commerce, mines, forests, public instruction and others; and by the deputy commander-in-chief in military matters.
The governor himself assisted by the executive secretary, handled official business outside the jurisdiction of the said officials. An Administrative Council had been established to advise him on matters of great weight and importance, and he could also convoke the Council of State, composed, in addition to the high officials already mentioned, of the chief commandant of the naval station and squadron, the archbishop of Manila, and the president of the Manila high court.
All the departments and provincial governments were staffed with peninsular Spaniards, personnel unfamiliar with the country and relieved every time there was a cabinet change (in Madrid). Very few Filipinos secured employment as army officers, as officials in the civil administration, or as judges and prosecuting attorneys. A few Filipinos, more outstanding for their wealth than for their learning, just recently served as members of the Administrative Council, but these positions were unpaid and besides the body was purely advisory in nature. Every government employee tried to make the most of the short time he usually had in office so that dismissal should not catch him unprovided for. In every government centre or branch office the employees covered up for one another because if any of them were to be brought to book their whole class and race would be dishonoured. Any Filipino who denounced the abuses of the Spanish officials and friars was persecuted as a subversive. The archipela go was not represented in the Spanish parliament.
There was no representative municipal government except only in the city of Manila. Town mayors merely collected taxes and enforced the orders of the provincial authorities. They could repair highways with forced labour, but otherwise hand neither funds nor authority to undertake other public works. A mayor was not the leader of his community but only the servant of the town's parish priest and constabulary commanding officer.
CHAPTER 5
Reforms Sought by La Solidaridad
Faced with this state of affairs, all those Filipinos concerned with the future of their country could not remain indifferent. They foresaw that easier and faster contact with civilized nations would before long awaken in. the hearts of the Filipinos their inborn love of the freedoms enjoyed by those others, and that such aspirations, if they were not assuaged by suitable and opportune reforms, would irremediably sweep the people away into insurrection, as had been shown in Europe and America. The abuses being committed in the Philippines found no echo in Spain, nor did the complaints of the Filipinos, because the latter had no representatives in -the parliament, and because the friars and the officials of the insular government both had reason to conceal abuses and complaints and to lead the Spanish nation to believe that the natives were content with the existing regime and would rebel if it were changed. On the other hand any political demonstrations in the islands were suppressed and rigorously punished so that neither the statesmen nor the other sectors of the Spanish nation had any idea of the real and true needs and desires of the Filipinos. Since a periodical published in the peninsula as the spokesman of their aspirations might perhaps supply the deficiency, certain Manila residents took it upon themselves to solicit subscriptions and contributions to meet the necessar y expenses, and the fortnightly La Solidaridad was published, first with Don Graciano Lopez Jaena as editor, and shortly afterward, Don Marcelo H. del Pilar.
This periodical, after giving a more detailed account of the political condition and sufferings of the Filipinos, made it clear, among other things, that the Filipinos, far from being satisfied with their fate, longed and hoped for from the Spanish government those changes and reforms which would gradually allow them the progressive enjoyment of the benefits of civilization; that the few Filipinos then living in Spain were compelled to give public expression to the desires of their countrymen because statements of this nature were punished in the islands with tortures, forcible changes of residence, and exile; that these desires, derived as they were from needs arising in the natural course of things, far from being diminished by repression, would instead grow until they became irresistible, just as air acquires greater power to expand the more it is confined; that the Spanish government should not let these suppressed desires explode into an insurrection since it should forestall the Filipinos from seeking the cure for their ills in separation; and that the love and gratitude of the Filipinos toward Spain were the only support capable in the course of time of maintaining Spanish rule in the Philippines inasmuch as only they would not fail in its times of grave danger and distress.
Going on from there to the reforms or improvements which might assuage the people's anxieties, the periodical asked, among other things, that the insular government cease to be military in nature and become civil; that the powers of the governor general be limited and fixed by law; that the individual liberties sheltered under the Spanish constitution be given to the Filipinos; that the friars be expelled or that at least the parishes be entrusted to the secular clergy; that, except for the posts of governor general and heads of department, which should always be reserved for Spaniards, public offices in the insular government be filled by competitive examinations, such examinations to be held in Spain for half of the vacancies and in the Philippines for the other half; that tenure of such offices be secure; that the constabulary should be reformed or suppressed, etc.
As was to be expected, the friars published another periodical to oppose these claims; their main argument was the incapacity of the native due to his ignorance and inborn laziness. They alleged that the sought for reforms, incompatible with his primitive state, would spoil the native, accustomed as he was to work under threat of the whip -- the reforms would, so to speak, be too strong a food for his unsophisticated stomach; that, if their petitions were granted, the Filipinos would ask for more, turning more and more demanding and vexatious, and never satisfied; that really the masses in the country were happy with their lot and paid no heed to La Solidaridad which was edited by a handful of subversives. They were told in reply that the native was ignorant because he was badly instructed, principally because the friars, who were the inspectors of the government primary schools and the private secondary schools, did not want him to be instructed; that notwithstanding official statistics in the Philippines the proportion of persons who could read and write to the total population, was, if not equal to, greater than, in the peninsula; that the indolence of the native was largely due to the lack of cheap and easy transport facilities for his products; that reform were sought precisely so that the native might rise from the primitive state in which he was being kept and so that the government, better informed of his needs, might meet them accordingly; that the number of representatives of the Filipinos in parliament might be fixed in proportion to those who could read and write; and lastly that to clarify and dispel all manner of doubts it would be convenient, by way of experiment, to implant some reforms and permit the Filipinos freely and peacefully to express what they felt.
Since these arguments were unanswerable, the organ of the friars had the impudence to declare more than once, with heavy emphasis, that the freedoms enjoyed in the peninsula had been won with blood, not ink. Such provocation was, of course, childish but, for that very reason, rash in the extreme. While all this was taking place the Spanish government remained silent, but its actions showed in a way that left no room for doubt that it was on the side of the friars, abandoning the people who bore all the burdens of the state. Once in a while an outstanding liberal, weary of waiting for his party's turn in power, would raise the kite of vague promises which, once he had in his hands the cabinet portfolio he coveted, he tried to forget.
CHAPTER VI
Rizal's Novels
Articles published in a fortnightly were obviously not enough to attract the attention of the Spanish government. Seeing that Marcelo del Pilar was editing the paper with rare ability, assisted by a sufficient number of competent contributors, Rizal left its staff to give his work a more fit and forceful vehicle. It was necessary to, picture the miseries of the Filipinos more movingly, so that the abuses, and the afflictions they caused might be publicly revealed in the most vivid colours of reality. Only a novel could combine all these attractions, and Rizal set himself to writing novels. The preface of the "Noli me tangere"states the purpose of its author, which was no other than to expose the sufferings of the Filipino people to the public gaze, as the ancients did with their sick so that the merciful and generous might suggest and apply a suitable care. The principal character of the novel was the only scion of a wealthy family of mixed Spanish and Filipino blood. Ibarra, for that was the name he bore, had been enrolled at a very early age in the Ateneo, the Manila municipal school run by the Jesuits; afterward his father had sent him to Europe to complete his studies. Having had little to do there with his countrymen, it was not to be wondered at that upon his return to the islands Ibarra should know so little about his own country that when Elias a approached him in the name of the persecuted and oppressed, appealing to him to work for the reforms that could mitigate their fate he should answer that he was convinced it was not yet time to change the existing regime in the islands because it was the most suitable for the present state of development of the Filipinos. It could not be doubted that Ibarra really loved his country, and yet, in all faith, he believed what he said because he was happy, because he loved with all his heart a childhood friend, the daughter of the friar who was the parish priest of his hometown, and his love as tenderly returned. In one of those poet ic outbursts proper to those in love, he promised his sweetheart, the personification of his native land, that he would undertake at his own cost the construction of public works much needed in the town, such as a good building for a public school.
For his part the parish priest could not allow, and felt it his obligation to prevent, the union of his daughter with Ibarra because the Filipinos and their families were subjected to a thousand persecutions and it were better for her to marry a Spaniard that she might live peacefully in the company of her children. Besides, Ibarra was a subversive who did not even kiss his hand and whose attitude, although polite, was far from the servile submission required from natives. His anger knew no bounds when the town mayor informed him of Ibarra's plan to build a school-house, and he exploded into such terrible fulminations of reprisal against any who might collaborate in the project that the young man had to have recourse to the provincial governor, the director general of civil administration, and the governor general himself. These authorities lent him their support, but, at the laying of the cornerstone of the school, only Elias saved him by a miracle from certain death.
The young man's situation became more crucial when another friar fell hopelessly in love with his sweetheart. No Filipino in those times could doubt that the enemy of one friar was the enemy of his Order, and that the enemy of two friars was that of all the religious Orders put together. So it came to pass that, when least expected, a riot broke out to murder the parish priest who, oddly enough, was not to be found in the parish-house, while the constabulary, on the other hand, was able to surprise and capture a number of the rioters. Whoever among the latter refused to point to Ibarra as the leader and instigator of the insurrection was tortured to death; the stronger ones preferred to die rather than to lie, but many gave in to the severity of their sufferings and in the face of death. Ibarra, warned in time by Elias, was able to escape from the torture and fled to Manila, turning himself in to the higher authorities, who had him shut up in Fort Santiago. Elias saved him anew and, once outside the fortress, told Ibarra that he had buried the latter's money and treasure in a place he described, adding that with these resources Ibarra could live abroad and work from there for the deliverance of his countrymen. Ibarra, because of his wealth and greater learning, would be more useful than Elias, and for this reason Elias, in an effort to save Ibarra from a constabulary pursuit party that was almost upon him, drew them off the track and was killed.
The book contains various other scenes from Philippine life as it actually was, which are arranged artistically in the novel to give unity of time and place and heighten the interest of the reader. The work's second volume, entitled"El Fulibusterismo", continues the story: Ibarra had escaped abroad where he had grown wealthy from trade; moving on to Cuba, as a jeweler, he had won the friendship of the governor general of the island with expensive gifts, and lent them the money needed to secure from the Ministry a transfer to the Philippines, where the governorship was more lucrative. Thus, under another name and with the security afforded by his position as the new governor general's intimate friend and confidante, his eyes always covered by enormous dark glasses to avoid his being recognized, Ibarra was able to return to. the Philippines and dedicate himself, heart and soul, to his campaign of subversion.
This consisted in deepening the blindness and .inciting the base passions of the authorities so that, by carrying to an extreme the abuses and oppressions inflicted on the natives, they should drive the latter from exasperation to rage and thus to revolution. The lamentations of the oppressed reached up to heaven, and, if they did not move the oppressors to compassion, it was because their hearts were harder than stone. But in spite of all, the people did not rise, their patience was. greater. than Ibarra's, whose heart burnt with the desire to avenge his ruined future and lost happiness. Unable to Wait any longer, he prepared a great banquet to be attended by the higher authorities and principal families of Manila, and planted a dynamite mine under the house which would explode. before the end of the feast. Then, taking advantage of the confusion such a disaster would cause, lbarra, at. the head of a gang of outlaws who were at his orders, would force his way Into Intramuros, take his sweetheart away from the Santa Clara nunnery, and escape with her. A Filipino, to whom Ibarra confided his plans, was so horrified by the proposed crime that he frustrated it, and this led to the discovery of the plot, Ibarra, pursued and mortally wounded, took refuge in the house of Father Florentino, who made him see the, error of his ways. Shortly thereafter, overcome by sorrow and remorse because he had not spent his time on useful benefactions, Ibarra died. Father Florentino, to whom lbarra had left a chest filled with jewels, threw into the, sea all the wealth which had been the cause. And origin of untold sufferings, so that it might cease to work evil, calling instead on the virtuous youths ready to offer the sacrifice of their pure and stainless blood to obtain from heaven the salvation of the native land.
The foregoing extract from his works shows that Rizal made it his purpose to give, in particular, two pieces of advice which might serve as warnings not only to the Spaniards but also to the Filipinos. By the first, he served notice on the Spaniards that, if the Spanish government in order to please the friar remained deaf to the demands of the Filipino people, the latter would have recourse in, desperation to violent means and seek in independence relief for its sorrows; and by the second, he warned the Filipinos that, if they should take up their country's cause motivated by personal hatred and ambition, they would, far from helping it, only make it suffer all the more. He wanted to say that only those actions would benefit the Filipinos which were dictated by true patriotism, which not only demands the sacrifice to the common good of personal revenges and ambitions, but also requires, when necessary, the disinterestedness and abnegation of Elias. Did the Spaniards know how to profit by this advice to them? Or the Filipinos by that given to them? If the reader has the patience to follow me in this brief study, which I shall try to make impartial so it may be the more enlightening, I hope that at its conclusion he may answer these questions for himself. For the time being let him be content with the observation that very few Spaniards read Rizal's novels because they had been written by a subversive, and that not many Filipinos read them either because their publication and reading in the islands were prohibited. Sin, says the proverb, is its own expiation.
CHAPTER VII
The Liga Filipina and theKatipunan
It is undeniable that in the Philippines the desire for improvement was great and widespread; it is not possible to explain otherwise the mistrust and hatred that the Filipinos, from the most ignorant to the most cultured, were beginning to feel toward the friars in the measure that they realized that the latter tenaciously opposed all reform. Time there was when the friars were wont to defend the natives against the rapacity of the encomenderos for in those days, the friars being in want and the Catholic religion not deeply rooted, they had great need of the confidence and love of their parishioners, whose trust and candour once exploited, they then became rich and arrogant. How was it that they forgot those sweet and gentle accents that had worked such miracles? It was because whoever, acts in bad faith corrupts himself, and the corrupt hearkens not to the voice of reason but to that of passion.
The love and respect that everyone professed for Rizal, Marcelo del Pilar and all the other patriots who collaborated with them in the great work of national regeneration manifested clearly and openly the political aspirations of the Filipinos. That La Solidaridad had faithfully interpreted those aspirations was likewise shown by the fact that its expenses were met by Filipinos residing in the islands, who were thus risking their personal safety and interests. From the start of the periodical's publication a number of Manila residents, calling themselves propagandists, distributed the issues which were smuggled into the city, and collected the subscriptions and contributions given by patriots in Manila and neighbouring provinces. At such times as they had occasion to visit the capital, well-to-do and educated persons from distant provinces were also wont to give their help. If the rich men of Manila contributed very little it was because they mistrusted the persons in charge of the funds, and feared for their own interests.
When he realized that these disorderly and ill-coordinated efforts yielded little, Rizal thought of organizing a society called Liga Filipina, which was inaugurated a few, days before his rustication to Dapitan in Mindanao. The statute of this association was limited to the establishment by the votes of its members of people's councils in the towns, a provincial council in every province, and a supreme council for the whole archipelago, but did not define the objectives of the association. I do not know if these objectives were defined in the inaugural meeting over which Rizal himself personally presided because I was not present and because I never had close relations with the illustrious doctor. I can only say that the society was dissolved a few days after its inauguration because of the banishment of its founder, and that, when it was reorganized later on the initiative of Don Domingo Franco, Andres Bonifacio, and others, they gave me the post of secretary of the supreme coun cil. We then fixed the objectives of the society in a short program couched in the following or equivalent language: to contribute to the support of La Solidaridadand the reforms it asked; to raise funds to meet the expenses not only of the periodical but also of the public meetings organized to support such reforms and of the (Spanish) parliamentarians who would advocate them; in brief, to have recourse to all peaceful and legal means, thus transforming the society into a political party.
The association did not have a better fate this time for it had to be dissolved after a few months of life. However, it had promising beginnings: the majority of the members of the supreme council were persons known for their learning, patriotism and social status; thanks to the efforts of Andres Bonifacio and others, people's councils were soon organized in Tondo and Trozo, and others were being organized in Santa Cruz, Ermita, Malate, Sampaloc, Pandacan, etc. Subsequently a small monthly contribution was required from every member, the proceeds of which were applied to the expenses of La Solidaridad, which were the most urgently to be met. The members paid their dues at first; later they stopped doing so on the pretext that they did not agree with the society's objectives because the Spanish government paid no attention to the periodical nor in fact would do so to any lawful activity. Upon investigation it then transpired that those commissioned to organize the people's councils had not required previous assent to the society's program as a condition for membership in the society; and that, on the contrary, Andres Bonifacio, who had recruited more members for the society with his tireless activity, was firmly convinced of the uselessness of peaceful means. The supreme council, which was more of an organizing committee because its members had not been elected by vote, saw clearly that, as soon as the rank and file elected their leaders according to the by-laws, the program, would be changed. The council understood f or the first time that the masses, whom the Spaniards believed to be br utish or at best indifferent, were in the vanguard where political aspirations were concerned. Realizing that the work of conciliation and compromise was bringing no results, the council declared the dissolution of the society so that the disagreements among its members should not lead to its discovery by the authorities. Those who were in favour of keeping up the fortnightly publication formed one group, called the Compromisarios because each one engaged to pay a monthly contribution of five pesos to meet its expenses. Andres Bonifacio, for his part, reorganized the society under the name of Katipunan ng manga Anak ng Bayan (Association of the Sons of the People), already with independence as its objective.
The Katipunan grew very rapidly because the insolent and provocative way in which the friars carried out their campaign (against reforms) had exasperated the masses. But if the organization of political associations had been permitted in the archipelago, and if the middle class, which was the most educated and influential, had been able to move freely, it could have undoubtedly calmed the people's anger and obstructed the growth of theKatipunan since that class was resolutely in favour of theLiga's program, even after having endured most cruel sufferings, and even more after the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.
CHAPTER VIII
First Stage of the Revolution
Less than a year afterward I heard that the Katipunanhad spread all over the province of Manila and was beginning to branch out into Cavite and Bulacan. I foresaw the horrors which would follow its discovery by the authorities, but, having been unable to obstruct (its activities) before, much less could I do so now when I was already ill and was, besides, considered by the society's leaders as a very lukewarm patriot. In August 1896 the head of the printing press of the Diario de Manila, having discovered that some of his employees belonged to a secret society, handed them over to the constabulary for the corresponding investigation. Recourse was had to the usual methods of torture, and not only the Katipunan but also the Masonic brotherhood and other societies already dissolved, like the Liga and the Cuerpo de Compromisarios, were discovered. Warned in time, Bonifacio and his followers were able to flee to the mountains, and from there ordered the people's councils to rise or join them so as not to fall in the hands of the constabulary. The Spanish authorities, following the advice of the friars, decided to teach a terrible exemplary lesson and for this purpose seized not only thekatipuneros but the Masons as well and all those who had belonged to the dissolved societies. Convinced that the insurrection could not be the work of the unlettered but rather of the country's educated class, they also ordered the arrest of all the prominent Filipinos in every province. The fate of the captured was cruel and horrible. The katipuneros had managed to put themselves beyond reach of the persecution in time, and only those who were not, were arrested. Since the latter were tortured to compel them to admit their complicity in the insurrection, and they knew nothing about it, they could not escape these sufferings. Many died as a result; many were executed under sentence of courts-martial; many others, shot without any trial at all; and still others, suffocated in grim dungeons. Those who suffered only imprisonment and deportation were lucky. Rizal was shot on the 30th December 1896 as the principal instigator of the movement, and those really guilty of giving cause for the Filipinos to hate the very name of Spaniard were praised for their patriotism.
Shortly before the outbreak of the insurrection Rizal, in order to put an end to an indefinite exile, had offered his medical services to the Spanish army campaigning in Cuba. The government having agreed to his proposal, he was taken from Dapitan and kept aboard a warship anchored in Manila Bay, awaiting transport to Spain. It was during this time that the insurrection happened to break out. Nonetheless the governor general sent Rizal on to Spain, whence he had to be sent back soon after because the judge advocate of the continuing court-martial demanded custody of Rizal to answer the charges against him that might appear from the evidence. Although Rizal's banishment to Dapitan eliminated all possibility of his active participation in the movement, he was found guilty of having been its chief instigator because, had it not been for the articles he had published in La Solidaridad and for his novels, the people would never have taken to politics. This judgment was totally incorrect because political activities in the Philippines antedated Rizal, because Rizal was only a personality created by the needs of these activities: if Rizal had not existed, somebody else would have played his role. The movement was by nature slow and gentle, it had become violent because obstructed. Rizal had not started the resistance, yet he was condemned to death: were he not innocent, he would not be a martyr.
In contrast to Burgos who wept because he died guiltless, Rizal went to the execution ground calm and even cheerful, to show that he was happy to sacrifice his life, which he had dedicated to the good of all the Filipinos, confident that in love and gratitude they would always remember him and follow his example and teaching. In truth the merit of Rizal's sacrifice consists precisely in that it was voluntary and conscious. He had known perfectly well that, if he denounced the abuses which the Spaniards were committing in the Philippines, they would not sleep in peace until they had encompassed his ruin; yet he did so because, if the abuses were not exposed, they would never be remedied. From the day Rizal understood the misfortunes of his native land and decided to work to redress them, his vivid imagination never ceased to picture to him at every moment of his life the terrors of the death that awaited him; thus he learned not to fear it, and had no fear when it came to take him away; the life of Rizal, from the time he dedicated it to the service of his native land, was therefore a continuing death, bravely endured until the end for love of his countrymen. God grant that they will know how to render to him the only tribute worth of his memory: the imitation of his virtues.
Such cruelties could do no less than arouse general indignation, and, rather than suffer them, the rebels preferred to die fighting even though armed only with bolos. Besides, the movement had more success in Cavite because the government forces there consisted only of small constabulary detachments scattered in different towns of the province, except for the port and arsenal which the rebels were unable to take. At that time theKatipunan had two people's councils in the province, one called Magdalo in Kawit led by Don Baldomero Aguinaldo, and the other, the Magdiwang in Noveleta under the orders of Mariano Alvarez. There were also a number of katipuneros in San Francisco de Malabon who obeyed the latter. Upon receiving Andres Bonifacio's order to rise, the katipuneros, helped by their friends, were able to surprise the constabulary barracks and kill the Spanish officers and sergeants in command. With the handful of arms thus captured, the citizens of Noveleta, under the command of Don Artemio Ricarte, threw back the forces of General Blanco on the 9th November 1896, while those of Kawit, under the orders of Don Emilio Aguinaldo, the town mayor, and of Don Candido Tirona, who died in the encounter, were able to retake, on the 11th of the same month, the powder-magazine of Binacayan, which had fallen to the Spaniards a few days before.
On the basis of these gains, the two people's councils took provincial jurisdiction, the towns of Kawit, Imus, Bacoor, Perez Dasmariñas, Silang, Mendez Nuñez, and Amadeo falling under Magdalo, and the remaining towns in the province under Magdiwang. Invited by some friends, Andres Bonifacio went to Cavite to unify the endeavors of the two, but Magdalo already paid little heed to his authority and orders. Fortunately, Don Edilberto Evangelista, a Manilan who was a civil engineer graduated from the University of Ghent in Belgium, put his services at the disposal of the insurrection and directed all the entrenchment and defense works which would give the Spanish forces so much trouble. General Polavieja, at the head of a considerable force, boldly decided to overrun the province of Cavite, and Edilberto, who was conducting the defense of the Sapote river, died fighting heroically on the 17th February 1897. From then on the Spanish forces were able to take one after the other the towns within the jurisdiction of the Magdalo council, whose members were finally compelled to withdraw to San Francisco de Malabon, there to meet with theMagdiwang and arrive at an agreement with the latter on the most appropriate measures for the defense of the province. For that purpose the members of both councils, together with the principal military leaders, gathered in the estate-house of Tejeros on the 12th March 1897. The assembly, presided over by Bonifacio, agreed on the election of a central government which would take charge of the general business of the insurrection. Don Emilio Aguinaldo was elected president, and Don Mariano Trias, vice-president. Bonifacio was elected director of the department of the interior, but, affronted when some of those present opposed his appointment because he was not educationally qualified, he walked out of the meeting, declaring that, as head of the Katipunan, he did not recognize the validity of the decisions, reached. Nevertheless those elected took possession of their offices and, in high dudgeon, Bonifacio went off with his two brothers to the mountains of San Mateo; but (Mr. Aguinaldo sent after him) two companies of soldiers were sent after him with orders to arrest him. Bonifacio resisted, and as a result he was wounded thrice, and one of his brothers and three of the soldiers were killed. The soldiers were able to take Bonifacio and his other brother to Naic, thence to Maragondon, and afterward to Mount Buntis where the two brothers were shot.
The general opinion finds no justification, not even mitigation, for such a manner of proceeding (on the part of Mr.. Aguinaldo). Andres Bonifacio had no less schooling than any of those elected in the aforesaid assembly, and he had shown an uncommon sagacity in organizing theKatipunan. All the electors were friends of Don Emilio Aguinaldo and Don Mariano Trias, who were united, while Bonifacio, although he had established his integrity, was looked upon with distrust only because he was not a native of the province: this explains his resentment. However, he did not show it by any act of turbulent defiance, for, seeing that no one was working for reconciliation, he was content with quitting the province for San Mateo in the company of his brothers. When it is considered that Mr. Aguinaldo (the elected leader) was primarily answerable for insubordination against the head of the Katipunan of which he was a member; when it is appreciated that reconciliation was the only solution proper in the critical state of the Revolution, the motive for the assassination cannot be ascribed except to feelings and judgments which deeply dishonor the former; in any case, such a crime was the first victory of personal ambition over true patriotism.
This tragedy smothered the enthusiasm for the revolutionary cause, and hastened the failure of the insurrection in Cavite, because many from Manila, Laguna and Batangas, who were fighting for the province (of Cavite), were demoralized and quit, and soon the so-called central government had to withdraw to the mountains of Biak-na-Bato in Bulacan. It could afford to remain there because the Spaniards ceased to attack it to cut down their casualties. Besides, Don Pedro A. Paterno offered himself to General Primo de Rivera as a negotiator with the leaders of the insurrection for what they called an honorable peace. Mr. Paterno was a purely volunteer mediator, that is to say, he had no official standing. The general's purpose, was to keep the revolutionary chieftains abroad because, once there, watched constantly by the operatives of the Spanish consulates, it would be very difficult for them to arm an expedition and return to the islands, and with this in mind he offered them money, safe-conduct and free passage. Reflecting that they would be compelled by lack of arms to surrender later under worse conditions, the chieftains accepted the offer, encouraged by a design to spend the money on the purchase of arms with which they would return to the archipelago at the first favorable opportunity. It was agreed that the government would give 
400,000 to Mr. Aguinaldo and his companions in Hong Kong, 200,000 to the chieftains re maining in the islands, and 200,000 more some time after, perhaps in the light of the subsequent conduct of the chieftains who surrendered. For this part Mr. Aguinaldo promised to order all the people in arms to surrender and turn over their weapons to the Spanish authorities.
400,000 to Mr. Aguinaldo and his companions in Hong Kong, 200,000 to the chieftains re maining in the islands, and 200,000 more some time after, perhaps in the light of the subsequent conduct of the chieftains who surrendered. For this part Mr. Aguinaldo promised to order all the people in arms to surrender and turn over their weapons to the Spanish authorities.To all appearances the pact of Biak-na-Bato gave the leaders of the Revolution an advantageous way out of an indefensible position. Since both parties were acting in bad faith, one of them could not complain if the other broke its pledges. But such a solution was far from enough to quench the general state of excitement because there was no public announcement of any specific covenant on the political reforms hoped for by the people. The Spanish government believed that, with the voluntary expatriation of some leaders and the unconditional surrender of some others, peace would soon be restored, but it was wholly mistaken. Only the grant of the reforms sought by La Solidaridad could have restored a spirit of peace, but, precisely to avoid such concessions, the Spanish government was using all the means suggested by diplomatic guile and skill. And so it came about that many of the discontented remained afield with forebodings of grave and unpredictable events.
CHAPTER IX
Development of the Revolution
Because I had been a member of the Liga Filipina and one of the compromisarios, I too was indicted and imprisoned as one of the instigators of the rebellion. However, I had suffered a paralytic stroke six months before the uprising and I attribute to this circumstance my not having been beaten up and shot together with Don Domingo Franco and others. In the event I was covered by General Primo de Rivera's amnesty proclamation and set free by virtue thereof after having been confined for almost nine months in the prisoners' section of the San Juan de Dios hospital in Manila. Months afterwards, I moved to the town of Los Baños, and thence to Bay, in the province of La Laguna, where I drafted a scheme for the organization of a general uprising, which I judged to be imminent in view of the general restlessness. This transpired two months before the declaration of war between the United States and Spain, which was soon followed by the annihilation of the Spanish fleet in the Philippines by Admiral Dewey on the 1st May 1898, and Mr. Aguinaldo's return to, the island s. When the latter, upon arrival, proclaimed to the people the readiness of the United States to help the Filipinos regain their natural rights, everyone thought that the government of that country, recognizing Mr. Aguinaldo as the representative of the Filipino people, had entered into a formal agreement with him, and so each province, acknowledging his indisputable leadership, went into action to fight the Spanish forces within its boundaries. This impression was confirmed by the vague and equivocal statements of the American commanders.
One of the copies of the scheme which I had drafted reached Mr. Aguinaldo's hands by chance, and he thereupon wrote, although he did not know me, asking me to help him. Although I was just as unacquainted with him, I wanted to help in the common endeavour as far as I was able, and I called on him at Cavite port on the 12th June 1898, the very day on which the independence of the Philippines was being proclaimed in the town of Kawit. I immediately asked him about the agreement he had concluded with the United States Government, and to my great surprise learned that there was none, and that the (American) consul in Singapore, Pratt, and Admiral Dewey had only given him verbal assurances that the United States Government did not want any part of the islands and it designed only to help the natives destroy the Spanish tyranny so that all the Filipinos could enjoy the blessings of an independent government. I realized then that the American representatives had limited themselves to ambigu ous verbal promises, which Mr. Aguinaldo had accepted because he ardently desired to return to the islands, fearful that other influential Filipinos should (rob him of glory and) reach an understanding with the Americans in the name of the people. I realized also that the proclamation of independence which was being made that day was premature and imprudent because the Americans were concealing their true designs while we were making ours manifest. I foresaw, of course, that because of this want of caution the American commanders and forces would be on guard against the revolutionists, and the United States consuls on the China coast would sabotage the purchase of arms for the revolution. However, unable to prevent the proclamation because I had arrived too late to do so, I kept my peace and set myself to studying in detail the measures most urgently called for in the existing situation.
The sudden general uprising had at one blow destroyed the structure established by the Spanish administration in the provinces and towns of the archipelago, and it was therefore urgently necessary to found a new structure so that anarchy might not lead to fatal consequences. I proposed a scheme reorganizing the provinces and towns in the most democratic form possible in the circumstances and, with Mr. Aguinaldo's approval, it was carried out without loss of time. I followed this up with another proposal for the creation of the (government) departments needed for the orderly working of the central administration, as well as of an assembly or congress composed of two prominent residents of each province to advise Mr. Aguinaldo and propose measures for the common welfare and the attainment of the longed for rights. This congress would not have legislative functions because the state of war required an concentration of powers necessary for swift action, but I considered its creation indi spensable so that the provinces should not distrust the dictatorial authority of Mr. Aguinaldo. He approved my proposal and offered to make me the head of one of the new departments. I was not sure I was fit for the job because of my illness, and declined the offer, but for the time being I handled the limited amount of business regarding foreign relations until such time as Mr. Arellano, who had been offered this portfolio because of his recognized competence, should take over.
By this time General Anderson's brigade had already landed in Cavite, and the remaining forces commanded by General Merritt were beginning to arrive, making relations with the Americans more troublesome. On the other hand, the siege of Manila by the Filipino forces was stalled because of the lack of coordination in the activities of the columns operating in the different zones, and Aguinaldo, who, by virtue of his prestige, could alone impose such unity, could not make up his mind to take personal command of the operation. If the Filipinos had been able to take Manila before the arrival of General Merritt's forces, relations with the Americans would have been cleared up from the start. But it did not turn out that way. The Americans landed in Paranaque and attacked Manila, ignoring the Filipino besieging forces. Many Filipino military commanders were of the opinion that this behaviour was sufficient cause for the opening of hostilities against the Americans, but I advised Mr. Aguinald o to try to avoid the conflict at all costs because otherwise we would be facing two enemies, and the most likely result would be the partition of the islands between them.
After the capitulation of Manila, the Philippine, Government moved from Bacoor, Cavite, to Malolos, Bulacan, where the newly created Congress held its first session. The first results of this assembly's deliberations were the ratification of the proclamation of independence prematurely made in Kawit, and the decision to draft a constitution for the establishment of a Philippine Republic. I should note that, although Mr. Arellano had not yet assumed office as Secretary of Foreign Affairs, his deputy, Don Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, had taken over the business of the department, so that I was then simply Mr. Aguinaldo's private adviser. As such I advised him to address a message to Congress, reminding it that Congress should not draft a constitution because it was not a constitutional convention; that neither could Congress enact laws because it had no legislative functions; and that its principal and urgent duty was to determine the best system for the organization of our armed forces and the raising of the funds needed for their maintenance, the plans agreed upon to be submitted to him. He was to add further that it was not the opportune time for the drafting of a constitution since the ind ependence of the Philippines was not yet officially recognized; that, once independence had been embodied in a constitution, the Philippine Government would be violating the fundamental law of the State; and that, in those arduous circumstances, I was of the opinion that the Government should have freedom of actin to negotiate an agreement which would prevent the horrors of war with the United States, on condition that such an agreement should bring positive benefits to the country and recognize the natural rights of the citizens. Mr. Aguinaldo submitted my opinion to the consideration of the members of his cabinet, I do not know in what terms; what I certainly know is that not only was my advice rejected but I was also bitterly criticized for holding tyrannical ideas and inculcating them in the head of the government. On account of these unfortunate services political scandal-mongers nicknamed me "Devil's Advocate to the President". Seeing that my advice was not only useless but even resented by th e cabinet members, and fearing that they would blame me for their own failures, I tried to disassociate myself from Mr. Aguinaldo moving to another house against his wishes, but he immediately ordered the installation of a telephone connexion between his house and my new residence, so that, to my discomfiture, I continued to play the part of devil's advocate. I limited this to giving my opinion on matters of great gravity and importance, and suggesting to Mr. Aguinaldo that it was his duty to lend his support to the actuations of his secretaries so long as they did not give evidence of unfitness or sufficient motive to believe they were abusing his confidence.
After a long wait, Mr. Arellano finally stated that he could not discharge the office of Secretary of Foreign Affairs, in view of which Mr. Aguinaldo insisted that I should take charge of the department. I accepted for the purpose of seeking an understanding with the United States Government before the proposed constitution was voted upon by the Philippine Congress, and assumed office on the 2nd January 1899. All my efforts failed because the Treaty of Paris, concluded on the 10th December the previous year, had vested in the Congress of the United States the authority to determine the civil rights and the political status of the Filipinos, and Congress -- according to the emphatic assurances of General Otis -- would not exercise that authority so long as the Filipinos were up in arms. Since the administration in Washington had a majority in Congress, it was very likely that the latter would take a decision, in accordance with the wishes of the administration; but if we surrendered unco nditionally, leaving our political fate at its mercy, the Americans would no longer have any doubts about our unfitness because, by not defending our freedom, we would be showing our little understanding and love for it. We had therefore to choose between war and the charge of unfitness. Amid this crisis, the Constitution of the Philippine Republic, already definitely voted upon and approved, was sent to the government for promulgation. I was still trying to delay it because of the gravity of the situation, but seeing that on the one hand, the representatives were obdurate and threatened a scandal, and that, oh the other hand, an understanding with the American Government was impossible because of its refusal to recognize our juridical existence and its insistence on unconditional surrender, I had to give in especially since Mr. Aguinaldo too was in favour of the promulgation. I did not yet have reason to even suspect that the most determined advocates of the promulgation of the Constitution would be the leas t ready to defend it at the least sign of danger to their persons and interests. Apprehending that war was inevitable, I limited my efforts to preventing the aggression from coming from our side, convinced that our weakness could not justify any provocation.
Meantime, on the other side of the sea, in the capital of the Republic of the United States, things were happening which merit all possible attention. The ratification of the Treaty of Paris was being postponed and delayed in the Senate by the stubborn opposition of the Democrats, and this persuaded President McKinley to stage what is called a coup d'etat. In the night of the 4th February, 1899 the American forces started an action that led to the outbreak of hostilities, and the news was immediately communicated to Washington. The likelihood of new complications with Spain, and perhaps with other powers, put an end to all opposition, and the treaty was ratified by the Senate on the 6th February. 'The amount, of $20,000,000 stipulated for the cession of the Philippines was appropriated by Congress on the 2nd March. The instruments of ratification having been exchanged on the 11th April, the price for the cession was paid on the lst May, thus consummating the purchase and sale.
Elsewhere Senator McEnery, explaining the administration's objectives, proposed in the Senate, that the United States declare it did not intend to annex the islands permanently, but rather to prepare the inhabitants for an autonomous government which would promote American and Filipino interests. For his part, Senator Bacon, expressing the wishes of the opposition, proposed an amendment asking the United States to declare that it renounce all purpose of exercising sovereignty, jurisdictions and control over the islands since its intention was to hand over their government and administration to the Filipinos when the latter should have established a stable government worthy of recognition. This amendment was put to a vote and 29 senators voted in favour, and another 29 against. The Vice-President of the United States, Hobart, as President of the Senate, broke the tie by giving his casting vote to those against, thus leading to the approval of the McEnery proposal, that is to say, the administration's policy. Under this proposal the Philippines can be neither a territory nor a state because it should not be permanently annexed to the United States, but, as property bought by. the United States, the latter can dispose of the Philippines at its discretion, that is to say, without the limitations of its Constitution. If the United States is the absolute owner of the islands, Congress has absolute power to legislate on them, and hence can fix at it's discretion the political status and civil rights of the inhabitants. If the latter enjoy life and liberty, it is not because they have an inborn right to them, by virtue of natural law, but because the United States Congress so wishes.. Undoubtedly President McKinley destroyed the Spanish tyranny, but, apparently, only in order to replace it with another in the American manner. It is interesting to observe that the Republican Party, led by a Lincoln in its beginnings, freed many millions o f slaves in the United States, while, led by a McKinley in its greatest period of vigour and prosperity, it made the United States the absolute owner of many millions of Filipinos. Immortal Washington, speaking of the Constitution of the United States, said that so long as the civic virtues did not wholly vanish among the classes of North-American society, the distribution of powers made in that Constitution would not permit an unjust policy to become permanent. God grant that the Americans do not, forget the father of their country, or defraud his fond hopes!
CHAPTER X
End and Fall of the Revolution
As I had foreseen, our improvised militia could not withstand the first blow struck by the disciplined American troops. Moreover, it must be admitted that the Filipino forces stationed around Manila were not prepared for an attack that night: General Ricarte, in command of the detachments in the south, and General San Miguel, commander of the eastern zone where the attack began, were. then in Malolos. Little accustomed to war, the Filipino commanders and officers hardly appreciated the value of military instruction and discipline so that the emplacements were not served with anything approaching order and precision. The Filipino general staff had not studied or laid down any plans for offensive or withdrawal movements in case of an outbreak of hostilities. Mr. Aguinaldo, who had scant appreciation of the advantages of a unified command and coordinated tactics, had made no provision for the prompt restoration of communications among the various it -- my units should a sudden retreat i nterrupt the telegraphic system. Mr. Aguinaldo wanted to keep the forces around Manila under his direct orders, commanding them from his residence in Malolos, although he could not devote himself completely to the proper discharge of the duties of this command because of his preoccupations as head of the government and the conceit of personally deciding many matters which should have been channeled through the departments of the central administration. Only after the outbreak of hostilities, when the telegraph lines had already been cut, did he name General Luna commander of the forces operating around Manila, but by that time the various army units had already evacuated their old emplacements, and communications among them had become slow and hazardous. Furthermore, Luna resigned his command shortly afterward because the War Minister had disapproved one of his dispositions. However, he resumed command of the defensive operations north of Manila when the Philippine Government was compelled to leave Malolos for San Isidro in the province of Nueva Ecija. Luna was able to raise fresh forces in Calumpit, forming a number of companies composed of veteran soldiers. of the former native army organized by the Spanish Government, and with these troops as a core he imposed a stern disciplinary system to stop the demoralization of our troops. But many commanders, jealous of their authority, withheld from him the effective cooperation that was necessary. This led to the cashiering by brute force of commanders who did not recognize his authority, or the court-martialing of those who abandoned their posts in the face of the enemy, or the disarming of troops that disobeyed his or ders.
In spite of all these obstacles, Luna would have succeeded in imposing and maintaining discipline if Aguinaldo had supported him with all the power of his prestige and authority, but the latter was also beginning to grow jealous, seeing Luna slowly gain ascendancy by his bravery, audacity, and military skill. All those affronted by his actuations were inducing Aguinaldo to believe that Luna was plotting to wrest from him the supreme authority. After the Calumpit bridge had fallen to the American forces, due mainly to the scarcity of ammunition, Luna came to see me in San Isidro and entreated me to help him convince Mr. Aguinaldo that the time had come to adopt guerrilla warfare. I promised to do what he wanted, while making it clear to him that I doubted I would get anywhere because my advice was hardly heeded in military matters inasmuch as, not being a military man but a man of letters, my military knowledgeability must be scant, if not nonexistent. I could not keep my promise because after our meeting I did not get to see Mr. Aguinaldo until after some time when he came expressly to seek my advice on whether or not it would be expedient to reorganize the cabinet. Unable to overcome my sense of propriety even in those circumstances, I answered in the affirmative, and, having relinquished office to my successor, Don Pedro A. Paterno, in the first days of May 1899, 1 left for the town of Rosales near Bayambang. Some weeks later Mr. Aguinaldo sent a telegram asking Luna to see him in Cabanatuan for an exchange of views, but when Luna arrived in Cabanatuan he met not Aguinaldo but death by treachery plotted by the very same soldiers whom he had disarmed and court-martialed for abandonment of their post and disobedience to his orders ( he did not find Aguinaldo at home and was treacherously murdered by the soldiers who were on sentry duty there ). Colonel Francisco Roman, who accompanied Luna, died with him. While Luna was being murdered. Mr. Aguinaldo was in Tarlac taking over command of the forces which the deceased had organized. Before his death Luna had his headquarters in Bayambang, and had reconnoitered Bangued to determine if it met the conditions for an efficacious defense in case of a retreat; what is more, he was already beginning to transport there the heavier pieces of ordnance. Notwithstanding, Aguinaldo established his government in Tarlac, wasting his time on political and literary activates, a negligence which General Otis exploited by landing his infantry in San Fabian while his cavalry, wheeling through San Jose and Umingan, took San Quintin and Tayug, thus cutting all of Mr. Aguinaldo's lines of retreat and giving the deathblow to the Revolution.
Until now I cannot believe that Luna was plotting to wrest from Mr. Aguinaldo the high office he held although Luna certainly aspired to be prime minister instead of Mr. Paterno, with whom Luna disagreed because the former's autonomy program was a violation of the fundamental law of the State and as such was a punishable crime. This is shown by a report in the newspaper La Independencia,inspired by Luna and published a few days before his death, which stated that the Paterno-Buencaminio cabinet would be replaced by another in which Luna would be prime minister as well as war minister. When a few days afterward Luna received Mr. Aguinaldo's telegram calling him to Cabanatuan, Luna thought perhaps that the subject of their meeting would be the new cabinet; he did not expect an attempt to assassinate him precisely at the critical juncture when the Revolution most needed his strong and skilled right arm; nor could he believe that a licit and correct ambition should inspire fear i n Mr. Aguinaldo who had named him commanding general of the Philippine army. Luna had certainly allowed himself to say on occasion that Aguinaldo had a weak character and was unfit to be a leader, but such language was only an explosive outlet for a fiery and ebullient temperament which saw its plans frustrated by the lack of necessary support. All of Luna's acts revealed integrity and patriotism combined with a zealous activity that measured up to the situation. If he was sometimes hasty and even cruel in his decisions, it was because the army was in a desperate position due to the demoralization of the troops and the lack of munitions; only acts of daring and extraordinary energy could prevent its disintegration.
The death of Andres Bonifacio had plainly shown in Mr.. Aguinaldo a boundless appetite for power, and Luna's personal enemies exploited this weakness of Aguinaldo with skillful intrigues in order to encompass Luna's ruin.
To say that if Aguinaldo, instead of killing Luna (allowing Luna to be killed), had supported him with all his power, the Revolution would have triumphed, would be presumption indeed, but I have not the least doubt that the Americans would have had a higher regard for the courage and military abilities of the Filipinos. Had Luna been alive, I am sure that Otis's mortal blow would have been parried or at least timely prevented, and Mr.. Aguinaldo's unfitness for military command would not have been exposed so clearly. Furthermore, to rid himself of Luna, Aguinaldo had recourse to the very soldiers whom Luna had punished for breaches of discipline; by doing so Aguinaldo destroyed that discipline, and with it his own army. With Luna, its most firm support, fell the Revolution, and, the ignominy of that fall bearing wholly on Aguinaldo, brought about in turn his own moral death, a thousand times more bitter than physical death. Aguinaldo therefore ruined himself, damned by his ow n deeds. Thus are great crimes punished by Providence.
To sum it up, the Revolution failed because it was badly led; because its leader won his post by reprehensible rather than meritorious acts; because instead of supporting the men most useful to the people, he made them useless out of jealousy. Identifying the aggrandizement of the people with his own, he judged the worth of men not by their ability, character and patriotism but rather by their degree of friendship and kinship with him; and anxious to secure the readiness of his favorites to sacrifice themselves for him, he was tolerant even of their transgressions. Because he thus neglected the people forsook him; and forsaken by the people, he was bound to fall like a waxen idol melting in the heat of adversity. God grant we do not forget such a terrible lesson, learnt at the cost of untold suffering.
Conclusion
I am sorry that the logic of events should take me to such painful conclusions, but I aspire to be a critic and I must tell the truth. Having written these memoirs only to seek in the past the most useful lessons for the present and the future, I have tried to be impartial. I have also tried to render judgment on events and not on particular individuals, but, in adjudging the Revolution, I could do no less than pass judgment on the man who did not recoil from crime in order to embody the Revolution in himself from beginning to end. I am sure that I have chronicled events as I saw them happen or heard about them, and that I have passed judgment on them as dispassionately as possible, but, if I have been mistaken or unjust by involuntary omission or because of wrong information, I am ready to correct my mistakes or make such amends as may be proper. If in the course of my narrative I have often made reference to myself, it has not been from a desire to single myself out to others' dis advantage but only to indicate my personal participation in the great drama of the Revolution, sometimes as a mere spectator, at other times as a member of the cast, and thus to provide a gauge for the trustworthiness of my account. I do not see anything wrong in examining our past in order to draw up a balance-sheet of our failures, mistakes and weaknesses; whoever voluntarily confesses his sins shows at least a praiseworthy and honourable purpose of amendment and correction. The evil would lie in concealing them, and in their discovery and exposure by a stranger, not to put us right but to sully our name. Their concealment, moreover, would encourage evildoers, while their exposure teaches us useful lessons. I should have liked to make this essay something of an exemplary history of the Philippines, displaying side by side the vices and the virtues of each individual, and the disadvantages and advantages of each institution, in the conviction that in this world the most perfect being has his imperfection s, and the most imperfect his perfections. But such a task is beyond my abilities. Also, the collection of the material necessary for this kind of work requires a long period of laborious study and research for which I lack the time. I am content, therefore, within the measure of my ability and means, to prepare the way for others better qualified.
Going back to Mr. Aguinaldo, I hope and pray that my observations, made without rancour and only in the performance of a painful duty, will not increase the bitterness in his heart but will rather awaken in him an ardent desire to make up for his past and recapture the general esteem with noteworthy acts of unselfishness and abnegation. When I was already a prisoner in Manila, in the bands or the American authorities, I hinted to Mr.. Aguinaldo, writing in El Comercio to correct an item in the Manila Times, that his only salvation was a glorious death on the battlefield. Shortly afterward, in another article published in La Fraternidad, I repeated this hint more explicitly and clearly, comparing him with Mr. Kruger. I knew that these articles would not please the American authorities, but I was convinced that, with Aguinaldo meeting death in a supreme effort to defend our national freedom, such an heroic act would restore his reputation and at the same time honour the Filipinos. However, my suggestions were not followed. I have no complaint because, even if Mr. Aguinaldo had proposed to act in accordance with them, I understand that it is not always possible to do what one wants. Moreover, it might be that his crimes were so grave that Providence would not judge him worthy of immortality, or that it would be for his own good to hear the judgment of public opinion so that repentance might touch the sensitive fibers of his heart. The frustrated Andres Bonifacio was wont to say when be was still alive that we should fear no one except History, and indeed History is implacable in doing justice, and its judgment is terrib le against the offender.
Be that as it may, Mr. Aguinaldo should not despair. As I have just indicated, he can still make up for his past and recapture the general esteem with worthy deeds. He is still young and has shown a natural sagacity in making the most of circumstances for his own ends, questionable as they were because he lacked the culture and virtue demanded by his office. Mr. Aguinaldo believed that one can serve his country with honour and glory only from high office, and this is an error which is very dangerous to the common welfare; it is the principal cause of the civil wars which impoverish and exhaust many states and contributed greatly to the failure of the Revolution. Only he is truly a patriot who, whatever his post, high or low, tries to do the greatest possible good to his countrymen. A little good done in an humble position is a title to honour and glory, while it is a sign of negligence or incompetence when done in high office. True honour can be discerned in the simple manifestatio ns of an upright and honest soul, not in brilliant pomp and ornament which scarcely serve to mask the deformities of the body. True honour is attained by teaching our minds to recognize truth, and training our hearts to love it. The recognition of truth shall lead us to the recognition of our duties and Of justice, and by Performing Our duties and doing justice we shall be respected and honoured, whatever our station in life. Let us never forget that we are on the first rung of our national life, and that we are called upon to rise, and can go upward only on the ladder of virtue and heroism. Above all let us not forget that, if we do not grow, we shall have died without ever having been great, unable to reach maturity, which is proper of a degenerate race.
I shall not end these remarks to my countrymen without putting on record the boundless disgust I felt whenever I heard of the rape of Filipinas by Filipino soldiers. I admit these were isolated cases, very difficult to prevent in times of general disorder and the uncontrolled outbreak of passions, but I am sure that the first instances would not have been repeated if the commanders concerned had punished such outrages energetically and without hesitation. How shall we get foreigners to respect our women when we ourselves set the example of offending them? Can we Filipino men expect to be respected when our women are not? In the chivalrous tradition of ancient times the principal virtue of the knight without fear and without reproach was respect for womanhood because the custom of protecting the honour and life of the weak and defenseless surely showed greatness of soul and nobility of heart. It should be realized that this virtue was not merely necessary in the legendary age of roma nce but one of the great imperatives in the life of peoples since, if woman finds simple respect and consideration within her customary ambit, she quickly acquires that sense of dignity which protects her from many frailties, a dignity which, passed on to her sons, instills in them courage and fortitude for great enterprises and heroic deeds.
Lastly, I hope that this succinct narrative will give a clearer and more correct appreciation of the political needs of the Filipinos and of their fitness for democratic government. The Spaniards as well as the Americans have looked upon the Filipinos as half-savages unfit for such a government because they have always confused lack of experience with personal aptitude. One who is unfit for civilized life does not want it because he does not need it, and for this reason the Igorots and Aetas and other really half-savage tribes in the archipelago are happier living in the mountains and forests than in the towns. The Spanish Government claimed that political aspirations were to be found only in the hearts of a few educated Filipinos but not among the masses of the country, yet the latter, unable to prove the Government wrong otherwise because they were forbidden to petition, rose in rebellion led by Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Aguinaldo, both men of little learning. The United States Go vernment shares the same belief, and I hope that this essay, by showing it the past, will help to lead it out of error and prevent the horrors of a new revolution.
Of the reforms previously sought from the Spanish Government, the United States Congress has to this date granted only that referring to certain individual rights, whose exercise is still restricted by the authority of the Insular Government, a government which continues to be absolute insofar as the members of the executive branch also make the laws and appoint at their discretion the members of the judiciary. Moreover, the irritating inequality in pay among those who hold the same positions is more general, an inequality which in Spanish times existed only in the armed forces, and which makes impossible an identity of interests among Americans and Filipinos. The constabulary, for its part, is following in the footsteps of its hated counterpart under the former regime. Before my deportation to Guam, when Governor Taft was still only Chairman of the Philippine Commission, I solicited an interview to ask him the extent and limits of the sovereignty which the United States sought to imp ose on the Philippines. Mr. Taft told me very frankly that the United States wanted to exercise the same sovereignty that Russia or Turkey would if they had acquired the islands with the same title, the only difference being that the Americans, having been reared under a regime of freedom, would try to exercise sovereignty more liberally. I allowed myself to remark that it was more prudent for a government not openly to oppose the wishes of the governed, but I could not continue because he gave me to understand that his explicit instructions did not allow him to discuss such matters with me.
The reason was obvious since, in the last analysis, Governor Taft's instructions were in accordance with the McEnery proposal and the plans of the Washington administration. For that reason I think it is useless to discuss them now. I shall allow myself only the observation that, if the Americans have not been reared under the governmental system which they are now introducing in the Philippines, they cannot consider themselves more experienced and capable than the Filipinos. If the Americans in general are relatively better schooled, the Filipinos, reared under an absolute government, during the Spanish regime, have more experience of it and, what is more, know their own needs better. I admit that the Americans have proved their competence and capacity for democratic government, but an absolutist regime is totally different and cannot be practiced in the United States because it is contrary to the character and customs of the American people. By temperament and education the citizens of the United States are the least competent and fit for absolute government because the two governmental systems are like two machines with different mechanisms that call for operators with different specialized training to make them work. If the Americans really want to teach the Filipinos the arts of civilization and good government they should establish in the Philippines the kind of government they know, under which they have been reared, and which the inhabitants want to learn. Otherwise, if the Americans persist in maintaining a governmental system which they have not practiced and which the islanders reject, they must place at its head men of extraordinary ability, and they are not common in the United States or elsewhere.
I shall end with a question. Would the grant of the reforms formerly sought from the Spanish Government satisfy the Filipinos now? I am very much afraid not, because the aspiration for independence, almost unknown before, now beats strongly at the bottom of all hearts. Its denial, and the threats and violent acts of the Government, only serve to affirm this feeling and to keep it alive; we did not fight and suffer for it for nothing. The denial of independence will doubtless content those who accommodate themselves to any situation in order to enjoy its advantages, but they are very few, and they are despised if not hated by the masses, because they claim the masses are not yet fit for independence when it is they who are giving evidence of unfitness by making it plain they have no political ideal other than their personal convenience. Before my deportation to Guam, those who had unconditionally taken the Government's side in order to win the official title of friends of peace trie d to organize a political party. Since the Government could not promise more than a future autonomy, which did not and does not satisfy the people, it did not suit them to adopt this objective since very few would join them. They therefore asked for annexation as a territory for the time being, and subsequently as a state. The truth is not only that such an objective found and finds no support in any political party in the United States, but also that no American statesman believes in the possibility that the islands may some day become a state of the Union. But this objective was less objectionable to the people, which they considered too ignorant to grow aware of any political game. I had the imprudence to remark that their aspiration was chimerical; that if they wanted something positive, they should work on the Government to give in a little and promise independence in the future; and that I would help them to convince the people that it should also compromise and give up immediate independence. Altho ugh I was counseling accommodation to both sides so as to arrive at a compromise, the only foundation of a true peace, I was pronounced intransigent and as such was deported to Guam, where I was held prisoner incommunicado for more than two years. I am ready to forget this personal injury, although injustices never beget peace but rather distrust and the perturbation of minds. Nonetheless in the belief that it is my duty, I shall be imprudent once more and recommend for the second time the mutual reconciliation of Americans and Filipinos.
Ap. Mabini
Source: http://www.univie.ac.at/voelkerkunde/apsis/aufi/history/mabini0c.htm. Permission to post this text on the Austrian-Philippine Website is provisionally granted by the estate of Leon Ma. Guerrero. It is intended for academic use. Commercial exploitation of this is explicitly prohibited. Copyright Estate of Leon Ma. Guerrero. All rights reserved.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)